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AMERICA' 



Oil 



A CURSORY VIEW OF THE PEACE 



LATELY CONCLUDED BETWEEN 



< 



GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED 

STATES, 

Examining the manner this event will operate on the Commerce of America, la 
what manner it is likely to produce benefits or evils to Merchants, Manufacturers, 
Agriculturists, and Distillers ; in what manner it will affect the Tonnage interest, 
and embracing generally the various influence it may have on the destinies of the 
United States in their future connexions, Political and Commercial, with the rest 
of the civilized world ; together with some remarks and opinions relative to that 
extraordinary event which has astonished the world, the return of Napoleon to 
the throne of France. 



BY A CITIZEN OF PHILADELPHIA. 



J NEW-YORK : 
PRINTED BY JOHN H. SHERMAN, 

! NO. 30, NASSAU-STREET, 

.••••••••tttt 

1815. 



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THE 



SECOND CRISIS. 



CHAPTER I. 

Slate of War and Peace— Declaration of War — Ratification of 
Peace — The Crisis War produced — The necessity of the measure 
and its results — Reference to the Amendment of the Militia Sys- 
tem — Inquiry into the causes which induced England to accede to 
Peace, &c. 

THERE is no event in the occurrences of times more important 
to nations than the transition from peace to the turbid scenes of war ; 
or the recurrence from the struggles and deprivations attendant on 
that state, to the calm tranquillity of those visions of social comfort 
which peace generally invites. In the latter case, the soldier re- 
signs his sword for the more genial instrument of art and industry — ■ 
Relinquishes the discipline of camps and arduous marches to guide 
the plow on his native hills, or mix in the busy hum of cities. And 
the man who knit his brow, and felt the forces of his soul hardened 
to deeds of death and carnage, returns to the bosom of his family 
with smiles beaming on his countenance, and the milk of humanity 
at his heart. Such are the interesting eras which have latterly oc- 
curred in the history of these states. On the 17th day of June, 
1812, war was declared by America against England, in consequence 
of a series of insults and aggressions which the spirit of forbearance 
could no longer brook, when repeated and various struggles for re- 
dress had been found ineffectual ; and on the 18th day of Februa- 
ry, 1815, a peace was ratified and exchanged by the President, 
with our ancient enemy, upon the basis of a treaty which promises 
food faith, and an observance of equal rights. 



To a nation, situated as was America, the recourse to hostilities 
with England, a power gigantic in arms, and wielding a maritime 
sceptre which had awed every other nation on the earth ; whose 
resources of credit, and whose fiscal operations, under revolving 
centuries, were, in comparison to us, as millions are to units, was 
indeed a crisis ; and the militation of a young and unprepared peo- 
ple, (for thirty years rocked in the cradle of peace) against a na- 
tion holding such imposing attitudes, was an epoch in our annals, 
sufficient to shake the nerves of even the inflexible patriot, whose 
bosom had never beat with any other throb more enthusiastic than 
the honour and prosperity of his country. 

Three years have not yet elapsed before the calamities of war 
are at an end ; and all the doubts and fears to which the contest 
gave birth, are dispersed by the happy return of peace, and the 
glorious results which have attended our virtuous and energetic 
struggle. To some cold-blooded politicians, perhaps, who keep 
the debts and credits of this war, with a mercantile accuracy, my 
assertion, that the nation has crowned itself with an immortal wreath 
of glory, may be disputed ; it may be advanced that we have not 
conquered Canada, or that we have not gained an inch of territo- 
ry ; — but the accession of territory, or the occupation of Canada, 
was neither of them the cause which prompted us to unsheath the 
sword, or invoke the God of battles to our aid. 

Our recourse to arms, was the last resort of an insulted nation, 
who had ineffectually endeavoured to avert the calamities of war 
by an appeal to justice, which was contemptuously and arrogantly 
denied her; and the honour and dignity of the country was impli- 
cated, if not branded with disgrace, had she refused any longer to 
appeal to that unhappy experiment, the desperate ultimatum of a 
wronged and forbearing people. 

There is not that ceurt or potentate in Europe, however despo- 
tic, who has not viewed our contest, with an interest rarely felt ; 
and although jealous of our rising greatness, inimical to the ethics 
of the republican school, or wedded to the prejudices and abuses 
of ancient dynasties, there has been an enthusiasm excited in the 
breasts of princes iucontestibly in our favour; and which, although 
it was secret as the grave, and lifted not a finger for our salvatiou 
or our cause, yet refrained from ever enlisting against us, or moyiDg 
with the policy of our enemy. 



5 



Vainly should we endeavour to inquire, whether the fate of Po- 
land, that, brave unhappy nation, vibrated yet upon the sensibility 
of their nerves ; and that the events which succeeded, and which 
shook the crowns aGd diadems of monarchs to the earth, had their 
weight in retrospection. True, however, it is, that like the gods of 
Homer, they held their scales in balance as by the fiat of Olympus, 
and the contest, fortunately, did not continue long enough to suf- 
fer their interest or their wishes to preponderate in either ; — single- 
handed was the conflict, and Heaven be praised, so it ended ! 

The brilliant achievements of our infant navy on the lakes and 
ocean, live in too glowing colours in the bosom of my countrymen, 
to need a repetition. The affairs of Chippewa, of Erie, Plattsburg, 
Baltimore, and Orleans, are yet such evergreens of honor and re- 
nown on land, that it would be a reflection on my readers to reca- 
pitulate their glory, or rehearse those deeds of valour which are 
yet the uppermost themes of commendation ; and which, while they 
excite the liveliest emotions of national patriotism, tend in a measure 
to sooth those bosoms, which have been rent with the severest an- 
guish, by the casualties and disasters attendant on a state of war. 

Peace is ajrain restored us, and let those of our countrymen who 
yet show their ledger of losses, and groan over what they may term 
ihe waste of blood and treasure, console themselves with the reflec- 
tion, that the uations of the earth who have looked with unbiassed 
eye upon the contest, will say we have preserved our liberty and 
nationality in it; and with one consent, will decide on the gallant vic- 
tories of our arms; and the superiority which a brave and self-taught 
people, by the virtue of their cause, have obtaiued over a venal 
monarchy and an imperious foe. To brief, our character has beeD re- 
trieved from ignominy, and instead of an insulted and pusilanimous 
people, we rank exalted in the opinion of the surrounding world 
and stand dignified in our own. 

The steady patriotism of our yeomanry, having been tested 
throughout this contest, will adduce a striking lesson for future wars, 
when we may unhappily be visited by them ; that a good and whole- 
some arrangement of the militia system, which shall teach to the 
hardy freeman the rudiments of the art of war. and which shall fit 
him in the day of peace, for the exigencies of all times and seasons, 
would be the safest and soundest policy our government could pur- 
sue. 



Various militia systems have been adopted by ali the stales, and 
one and all of them, in the opinion of the writer defective. To enter 
into an analysis or discussion of this subject, would be too far to im- 
pede the progress of the present inquiries, and dilate the work be- 
yond the narrow compass of a pamphlet ; suffice it to say, that in- 
stead of the accustomed method of turning out and paiading through 
dirty streets, with rusty arms, ragged coats, columns disproportioned, 
and squares that looked like triangles, as must be recent in the re- 
membrance of those who witnessed our reviews in a day of securi- 
ty — that schools well appointed should be instituted, and certain 
drilling days should be regularly attended by the incipient, under 
the penalty of a Que to be rigidly exacted ; that semi-annual reviews 
should be held with all the pomp and splendour of a national fete, 
and that instead of the ragged men of Falstaff, who formerly ivere 
wont to walk up and dowu a dirty city to save a fine, we should 
see a body of tacticians, well apparelled, well accoutred (although 
not in uniform) and who, while they should feel a pride themselves, 
will create applause in the beholder. To effect this, the state gov- 
ernments must not lean too much on economy. A suit of clothes per 
year ought at least to be the equivalent of the patriotic yeoman 
•who devotes his hours of industry, to learn how to defend his coun- 
try ; fines well collected, and justly appropriated, would partly de- 
fray the expense, and the pride and honour of the state might well 
afford the other. 

Before I enter further into the important views which the sub- 
ject of this inquiry embraces, a question of some curiosity suggests 
itself, as to what has been the probable causes which have operated 
on Great Britain, to abandon that system of procrastination, which 
strongly marked each preceding feature of the uegociation with our 
ambassadors, and to accede with such sudden and unlookedfor pre- 
cipitancy to the formation of a Treaty which met the views of our 
ministers, and the iustautaneous acceptance of the British regent ; a 
Treaty which, without even touchiugupon any of the subjects of for- 
mer conferences, confined itself merely to the preliminaries of jus- 
tice and equity ; two subjects which had never been disputed by 
America, and which, on any proposals, on the part of England, would 
have been inquired into and adjusted. Who is the prophetic seer of 
the nation that could have foretold such a finish to such a contest, 



that the pviheiple aufl leading features ofa treaty of peace a v ndaip=- 
ity with Britain, should rest on commissioners, duly appointed to 
run a Geographical line from the lakes in the woods, through differ- 
ent regions adjacent, to mark the middle boundary of territorial 
rights; a lake scarcely spoken of live years ago in either country, 
and even now obscurely known by the geographists and topogra- 
phists of London. 

The peculiar care manifested by the British ministers on this 
questio n of boundary, would seem to indicate that they persuaded 
themselves into a belief that ihe imperial flag of Great Britain was 
destined to wave for many centuries more on the American conti- 
nent : hence we see so much caution and precision in several arti- 
cles of the treaty, on territorial sovereignity. 

In case of any dispute on this subject it is to be decided by some 
frieudly European power, that is to say, the Emperor of Russia, or 
Austria, the king of Prussia, or any king, Bonaparte excepted, may, in 
the course of human events be honored with a title perhaps of equal 
weight and glory toany they or their ancestors ever enjoyed, no less 
thau Geographer General to his Britannic Majesty and the United 
States of America, and although none of those sceptred mortals may- 
estimate the real dignity attached to such a high calling, yet there 
are few of my readersw ho will not join me in opinion that the title \c 
question reflects more honour on any of those mounrchs, and has 
more real solidity attached to it, thau the Kingdom of Hanover has 
given, by that title being annexed to the monarch of the British Isles. 

I have a presentiment that we shall never be under the necessity 
of troubling any of the royal race in Europe on this subject ; it is 
already decided by the laws of nature, and must ere long, be so by 
the political aud progressive strength of our country. A nation speak- 
ing the same language, influenced by the same habits, with a popu- 
lation already of eight millions, and with a fair prospect of doubling 
that number in less than twenty years, is not likely to be plagued 
very long with questions relative to the rights of European sove- 
reignty to any part of the American Continent. 

Whether we shall dry fish on the coast of Labrador, or shoot 
bears beyond the present imperial boundary, we shall leave to our 
descendants to arrange some 30 or 50 years hence, but we shall car- 
ry to the tomb of the Capulets a full conviction that the treaty of 



•6 

prace, recently concluded, is the last instrument that will he signed 
between Great Britaiu and the United States, respecting the terri- 
torial sovereignty of either on this Continent. 

Had the conduct of England, as regarded the negotiations at 
Ghent, been of that character which carried with it the indications 
of good faith and a desire for pacification, the treaty wouid uot now 
be a matter of surprise, nor have been so unexpected an event as it 
has proven — some causes therefore, as yet behind the curtain, have 
operated on the ministry of England, to give up their wild preten- 
sions of territorial aggrandizement in America, and spin red them to 
the termination of differences on just and honourable terms, at a mo- 
ment when the war had assumed a most critical aspect. 

The publication of the correspondence of the ministers at Ghent, 
by the American government, was calculated to produce great asto- 
nishment in the eyes ol all Europe ; the arrogant and ambitious pre- 
tentions of England bore a most striking contrast with the unsophis- 
ticated good faith prominent in all the conferences and correspon- 
dences of the American diplomatists, aud had no doubt, its weight 
in altering both the tone and system of British negociaiion. Those 
powers of Europe who were convened in the general congress at 
Vienna, for settling the rights of nations, and consolidating a peace 
among themselves, would no doubt, unhesitatingly express their dis- 
satisfaction at the pretensions manifested by England in this politi- 
cal drama ; as similar doctrines might, at a future and no distant day, 
be attempt; d to be imposed by England on themselves, and their silent 
acquiescence, as regarded the Uuited States, be urged as a plea of 
justice against them. 

The policy, therefore, of the publication of the dispatches from 
our ministers, however it may have galled England, was obvious as 
regarded ourselves. It spoke volumes at a glance aud carried with 
it the weight of twenty manifestos. It was a clear development 
of facts and portrayed the character and cause of our hostilities, 
and the features England was inclined to give them; and further, 
it was putting the question to continental Europe, and testing wheth- 
er they were inclined to yield to a principle of interested policy 
pursued by England against these states, and which once establish- 
ed became a precedent, which naturally enough, would hereafter 
be turned against themselves. 



9 

It is not impossible that England might also have foreseen the 
probability of that miraculous event which has astonished both he- 
mispheres. She, no doubt, well knew the sentiment of the military 
of France, and their devotion to that chief who had so often led 
them to victory, and who never suffered skill or courage in the 
field to pass unnoticed or unrewarded. Aud although she might not 
have calculated ou so sudden an explosion, or that the bold attempt 
of Napoleon in resuming sovereignty, would have been attended 
with unopposed success ; yet she might have seen sufficient to 
have demonstrated to her the necessity of concentrating her forces 
at home, and to be prepared for any changes which the continent of 
Europe might display. 

If any cause yet stronger than the public exposure of the pre- 
tensions of England, has operated on her to conclude this peace, I 
am inclined to believe that it is the situation of the Peninsula of 
Spain, aud the distracted state of those important colonies of that 
monarchy in South America. Eogland has for years past enjoyed 
the treasures of those exhaustless mines, with which the unhappy 
and enslaved Americans, have been cursed. The day of slavery is 
however fast dissipating — the shackled descendants of the Iucas 
have burst their chains, and a new and great empire is about to 
astonish the world. What part England will take iu the momentous 
drama is yet to be discovered, oue part she assuredly will, and 
there is one part which it materially behoves the United States 
to take ; that is, to aid in uuloosing the letters of a galled and gallant 
people. Policy dictates it; the injuuies we have received from 
European Spaiu demand ample compensation, aud warrant any 
measures. The claims which American citizens have on the Spa- 
nish monarchy would be more than sufficient purchase money for 
the Spanish Jjloridas, and if she will neither sell them or cede them, 
or refund her robberies, I see nothing to prevent our taking them 
vietarmis.l return to my subject — 'hat England has long mediat- 
ed deeply on the situation of Mexico, various testimonies might 
prove, and that this may have had a considerable impetus \a closing 
the contest with the United S:a'.es, in order to be ready to engage m 
one more profitable, at the first favourable moment, I am fdso dispo- 
sed to credit, an^' <(?o that :!ie blow a*ainRt Spain, or against her pos- 
sessions, is now prosecuting a.-d will be struck by Eugsaod on the 



first politic opening, and however singular it may appear, it may yel 
be possible and probable, that England for once may range herself 
on the side of justice and the rights of man, and for a promised remu- 
neration (perhaps) of certain provinces of this vast continent, engage 
to emancipate a nation from bondage. That these causes, and 
others, which are too carefully screened in the cabinets of Europe to 
be read with accuracy on this side of the Atlantic, have had their 
weight in producing this wouderl'ul change in the pretensions of 
England as regards these states, the lapse of a very little time will 
place beyond contradiction or doubt ; ad interim, however, should 
these be rejected as visionary, speculative, or as far fetched surmises 
by any of my inquiring readers, there is another cause well suited 
to the armor propria of the patriotic American, which might not per- 
haps suit the palates of the purlieus of St. James's, but would not 
be unsavory to ourselves. This cause, which modesty might forbid 
us to dilate on, or even refer to, is neither more or less than that, 
England, tired with the repeated discomfitures she met on land, on 
lake and ocean, wherever she came in contact with our forces, (hith- 
erto so despised and held in contempt,) began to consider that should 
the same series of success continue to attend the arms of America, 
she might find in a few months longer extension of the contest, all 
her Spanish laurels, in the yellow leaf; and that her proudest boast, 
and vaunted prerogative of supremacy on the ocean, earned by slow 
and progressive measures, at the price of more money and blood than 
her islands contain, might be rendered nugatory : and instead, as hith- 
erto, the dread of surrounding states, by the despotic power of her 
floating engines of blockade and contribution, she had forfeited 
her imposing character in the estimation of spectators, by her losing 
although unequal contest with a natien, who, at the commencement 
did not possess one hundredth part of her naval armament — and 
who had already cruised victoriously and with prosperity in the 
Emrlish channel, and who had rode triumphantly in that called St. 
George's, laying their sea-ports in a state of blockade or contribu- 
tion. Whether my readers will allow weight to this last cause as- 
signed, will depend on their own view of the subject. — One thing, 
however, has fact to corroborate it, that insurance across the Irish 
channel, had risen from 1-2 per cent, the usual rate, to 6 per cent, 
waking eleven additional premiums. And had the war continued 



21 

12 months longer, and our national cruisers, expressly equipped for 
sailing, reached their intended destinations, the 6 per ceutum might 
have quadrupled itself, and the whole navy of England would noS 
have been sufficient to protect her from an American blockade. 

The list of British vessels captured, burnt and destroyed by our 
cruisers, as well private as national, does not rest on our own asser- 
tions, they are recorded at Lloyd's, and whether we view the Dum- 
ber, or the enterprise, and valour displayed by our countrymen in 
effecting this extended scene of capture and destruction, we have 
the satisfaction to know they are without parallel in naval warfare. 
Hitherto the world had attached no ordinary degree of stigma to the 
pursuit of privateering, and cupidity was deemed the sole motive to 
those who engaged therein, but it was reserved for the United States 
to develope the fact, that a love of gain was not the premordial con- 
sideration of Americau cruisers, whether private, or national. Amor 
Patria, gallantry, and humanity have distinguished the conduct of 
our < dicers and seamen, in all their rencounters with the enemy. 

British cruisers had beeu so accustomed to carry the private 
armed vessels of their enemies, whether in equal fight, or by gallant- 
ly attacking them with boats, that they did not anticipate any new 
or extraordinary species of resistance from us; but to their surprise 
and mortification, they have not only been foiled, but beaten in al- 
most every attempt they made on the ocean or in the harbours, against 
our vessels. 

The attack on the privateer Neufchatel by the boats of the fri- 
gate Endymion, and the attack of the General Armstrong by as im- 
mense number of boats from a British squadron in the harbour of 
Fayal. have given a demonstration of American enthusiasm and 
valour, fatal to the glory, the discipline and tactics of the British na- 
vy ; and in my humble opinion, these, and an infinite number of simi- 
lar instances that had occurred, taught the British ministry to anti- 
cipate the direful consequences of protracting a war, where every 
day seemed to add to the glory of their enemy, and to augment his 
means of annoying and destroying the commerce of Great Britain. 

Thus, at the moment that they supposed Orleans in their possei» 
sion, and that such was their expectation, the speech of the Regent 
from the throne proclaims, when he says, that he hopes to finish thfc 
Contest with America,, with glory to the BDglish arras,— »at Hm ma* 



m 

meut do they propose a peace on those terms of equal justice fo. 
which alone we contended, and which we had repeatedly offered to 
treat upon before ; and not waiting even for the news of the occu- 
pation of Orleans by the British troops, they conclude a treaty ol 
peace, which, in the same faith, these slates have always manifested, 
was ratified as soon as it was received. 

Waving all further consideration of what were the motives which 
induced Great Britain to the hasty adoption of (his measure, when all 
denoted more extensive preparations, and the most hostile front; I 
shall only express this, my opinion, that neither a sense of honour or 
equity, or a just appreciation of the eights of nations had any thing 
to do with her decision. These are considerations which are as a 
dead letter in the eyes of those disciples of Machiavel, who direct 
the policy of that nation ; — and here I bf g leave to state, that v hate- 
verm^y be my opinion of the conduct of the British government eith- 
er past, preseutor future, it has not, and I trust, never will eradicate 
from my mind, a regard and respect for the individual character of 
British subjects — as such, we view them analogous to ourselves in 
habits, in feelings, a6 well as in language ; but it is against a gov- 
ernment whose acts have been uniformly hostile to our republic, 
that we have directed our remarks, aod shall continue so to do, until 
a change of policy or measures on the part of the government of 
Great Britain, shall convince us of the sincerity of her frequent pro- 
fessions to cultivate a good understanding, and to preserve a lasting 
peace with the United States. 



3 



CHAPTLit II. 

Commerce considered in a day of I\ncc — America the general car- 
rier i7i the time of European ivar — The jealousy of England — 
Its consequences — The eject Peace will have on our Shipping aiiti 
Tonnage interest-Its effect on Agriculture— the culture of Grain 
considered— Digression on the agriculture of South America,— 
Cultivation of articles ofjoreign Growth not yet introduced gener- 
ally in America considered ; such as tlic Vine, Olive Tree, Gum 
Tree, &c. The adventure and experiment ?vhich distinguishes 
America-Distillation in a day of Peace, and Manufactures con* 
sidercd. 

The phrases, Peace and Plenty, Peace, Commerce and Pros- 
perity, have been so often hacknied and toasted, and drank in (low- 
ing cups, that it may create a little astonishment in the minds of 
the strongest opponents to the late war, that commeuce on the return 
of peace, instead of being attended with its expected concomitant 
prosperity, should be narrowed and confined within a more limit- 
ed circle, that its profits should be reduced to the lowest grade of 
percentage, and that instead of the cornucopia of abundance, which 
in our late trade was the result of the general war in Europe, we 
shall find it harder to gain a dollar on the ocean, thau we did to 
gain ten, when fortune made us the carriers of the world. 

This has, in a measure, already exemplified itself, by the doubt 
aud hesitation which has marked every commercial movement since 
the cessatiou of hostilities; aud if, on the very outset of our pacific 
career, this truth has already developed itself, wheu a reciprocal 
interchange of various articles interdicted in a state of war, invited a 
certain portion of commerce ; how much more forcibly would it dis- 
play itself, when that interchange, so long denied to nations and 
ourselves, was satisfied and became limited merely to that supply 
necessary for anuual consumption. 

Although Europe be at this moment in a very unsettled condi- 
tion, aud the return of Bonaparte, as well as her opposing interests, 
lean towards involving her again ie hostilities before many months. 



14 

yet wisdom dictates, that uncertain events should never be relied on, 
and it behoves its not only to look to the actual stale of affairs, as 
they now stand, but to be ready to receive with an open palm the favor 
of either chance or fortune, or be equally ready to oppose adversity, 
should she approach, by the maxims of the goddess Minerva in prac- 
tice. Should peace yet be maintained in Europe, and it is more natu- 
ral to look towards this event than to calculate on an eternal system 
of warfare,* our commerce must consequently bp confined to those 
articles of necessity, the natural growth of these states, which may 
not be the productions of Europe, or cultivated at least in a minim 
proportion to their wants ; and our system of exchange of articles 
must be solely limited to those which may be necessary for our own 

consumption, whether in the crude stale, or that of manufacture. 

The commerce of America, from the year 1 793, until the late 
conclusion of the European peace, was profitable beyond any cal- 
culation in record. The powers of Europe, militating one against 
the other, combatting one year in the cause of France, and the 
next on the side of England ; each drawn progressively, for 
their own momentary salvation, into the contest, completely over- 
turned the whole commercial economy as well as the productive in- 
dustry of continental Europe. Their states and their kingdoms, 
from the prince who reigned to the meanest peasant, were thrown into 
distraction and confusion — the stirnilus to industry or agriculture 
was no more. The fields the farmer plowed, the grain he sowed, 
and the harvest he hoped to reap, were no longer in existence — the 
enemy might come — was coming — and would arrive — and what 
avail is industry, when it is tube the prey for pillage? where is the 
stimulus for labour but in gain ? Such were the woful reflections, of 
many an honest husbandman on both sides of the political arena. 
What then was more natural, than America, by the general necessi- 
ty becoming the carrier of nearly all the christian world? Kngland 
alone among all the nations in the map of Europe, who held a name or 



* And even the restoration of Napoleon, although it at present bears the most 
menacing front, may nevertheless l^ad to this event, and even in fixing the repose of 
Europe on a more solid b:i-i«, pit) by his death, or by his bping m-ide a ,iarty in 
the g«uei al congress, neither of which events are out of tbe line of probability. 



la 

consequence, maintained any commerce. By the influence of he> 
navy she was able to sustain her trade with her colonies; yet even 
in this commerce she was obliged to maintain it by an expense un- 
known and uiifelt by the United States at that period. The im- 
mense expenditure, which the support of a navy like that of Eng- 
land must occasion, will be well understood without a comment, 
and the enviable situation, in which the United States enjoyed the 
freedom of the ocean and the commerce of the world, will be also 
comprehended without any illustration. 

This, aud this alone it was, which excited the jealousy and envy 
of England, which produced the capture of our vessels bound to 
France in 1793 to 1796, which led to those orders of council in 
England condemning the trading of vessels from one port to another 
of a different nation, (known under the general term of trading voya* 
ges,) and obliging the vessel to clear from, and return to, her native 
port. — It was this, which next produced the strict examination of 
the role d'equipage, ultimately producing the late obnoxious or- 
ders in council which eventuated in war. 

That England should be jealous of the rising greatness of Ameri- 
ca and her distended commerce, was a necessary result of her poli- 
cy, but in the moral spirit of justice, professed by civilians, she had 
no more right to make manifest that jealousy by oppression, than any 
other power — nor indeed so much, — as she integrally maintained her 
commerce, while the nations of Europe were without its benefits, and 
dependent on America and herself for their supplies; besides, as the 
war belonged as much to Englaud as to France, or was rather kept 
alive by her policy, and was maintained more for the preservation 
of that monopoly which has made her a power of consequence among 
nations, than for any conquests or aggrandizements which France 
might meditate ; she had less reason for complaint against the tem- 
porary good fortune of the United States of America than any other 
power. — France, during the last four years of war, introduced the 
hostile decrees of Berlin and Milan; but without entering into the 
stale discussion, of whether the last orders in council, or these had 
priority; none who consider this great question dispassionately, will 
deny, that the repeated captures and acts of aggression of England, 
led France to those retaliating measures, denominated the continen- 
tal system ; which, while they materially affected our security, and 



16 

amounted lo at! infringement of our rights, aimed all llie energy of 
their resentment against England. The edict which indiscrimi- 
nately doomed to conflagration every article manufactured in Eng- 
land, or the growth of her colonies, was a link of the same chain, 
adopted lege talibriis, against the legislative code of England. These 
retaliatory acts of the two nations manifested a rancour rarely be- 
fore seen; and threatened a war of extermination. Their stand- 
ards might have floated to the winds of heaven on either side with 
the words ad interniiiionent, stamped in the largest characters, with- 
out creating fcsehtiirieql of surprise/; and ail states and governments 
were taught by their conflicting foes, that any of their subjects were 
implicated and sacrificed without remorse, who aided, however in- 
directly, the views of either. 

England closed tjie whole continent of Europe by decrees and 
statutes, which the unrestrained and adventurous spirit of Fredonians 
would have laughed at — but so it was — the ports of Europe were 
closed, and the vast dominions of France were left without a ship 
or seaport of trade. Besides this, she was daily stabbing vitally her in- 
terests in manufacture, (the only traffic of industry left her,) by in- 
troducing under a thousand disguises, the manufactures of herself, 
and her ludiau possessions. From these causes, France availing her- 
self of her power, drew that extended circle of prohibition which, 
while it fostered her internal commerce, aimed a death blow against 
the designs, as well as the revenue of England. 

Apologising for a digression, which in general course, I trust may 
not be deemed irrelevant, I return to my subject. In what manner 
will this return of peace affect our commerce ? As we have before 
said, provided continental Europe be at peace, the commerce of Ame- 
rica, must be very limited, and it is much to be dreaded, that before 
this/act is experimentally displayed to our adventuiers, that great 
mischief will individually befal them. It was within a few years back 
remarked, by many a navigator, that sail where you would, there was 
no nook, no port so small, bm he found the flag of America before 
him. The scene may now be changed, these states may no longer 
be the universal carrier, and the stars of our national flag may not, 
for sometime, be seen triumphantly waving with the incalculable 
gains of a distorted commerce. Europe at peace, we are on a foot- 
ing with all other commercial nations, England excepted, who main- 



17 

tains a superiority by possessing more colonies than any other pow„ 
er, regulating and limiting their trade according to their will or 
interest, at the same time, interdicting the United Stales from any 
trade, which might be beneficial, and admitting only such articles as 
she cannot herself supply. 

This leads us naturally to inquire into what effect it will have 
upon our shipping, and whether it will tend to their increase or di- 
minution, and my opinion, unhesitatingly is, that it will operate to- 
ward the immediate decrease of our commercial tonnage, and that 
too, in a very severe degree, without salutary measures are used to 
prevent it. 

Where traffic is precarious, and its profits few ; where a 
nation only enjoys that reduced commerce, admitting solely of in- 
terchange of its overplus productions, ou a limited scale, for arti- 
cles of a foreign growth or fabric, which may suit its consumption 
or habits, there can exist but little excitement to adventure. Egre- 
giously shall those be mistaken who consider that the dashing mer- 
chants of these states will, as heretofore, be the money making men. 
The present system will return to that of the old plodding limes of 
pounds, shillings, and peace. The ledger, and profit and loss ac- 
count will require a careful circumspection, and to be narrowly 
attended to in all foreign traffic. A very moderate profit abroad 
will leave a minimum profit on return after paying freight and va- 
rious charges, and the regular percentage on imports, will nett but 
little on their sales after paying outward and inward duties. 

That spirit which looked upon a ship as a prelude to a fortune, 
which considered a shipholder as the monopolizer of gains, will feel 
a shock which will prostrate all the hopes and calculations of the 
inexperienced or too sanguine adventurer. An apathetic indiffe- 
rence will naturally succeed to this dangerous enthusiasm. And 
those who meditated alone on the ocean as being the paternal pro- 
tector of their fortunes, will have the current of their feelings chang- 
ed, and will look to their maternal earth and native soil, with patient 
and well-regulated industry for a moderate support. 

With no more ports to trade with than before the war of 1 703, 
•f what use will now be our extensive forests of shipping ? At that 
epoch, only 2 Tudiamen sailed out of Philadelphia, and I shall not 
be found very incorrect in the assertion, that not more than 7 or S 

3 



18 

sailed from all the ports of tlie United States. Our increase of 
population may, perhaps, warrant a double trade with foreign pos- 
sessions, and a double importation, but further than this we cannot 
look with safety for profit or success, pnd unless our exportations 
keep aD equal pace with our imports, the balance of trade will be 
injurious. 

The different maratime powers of Europe are in want of shipping, 
and the overplus of our tonnage will naturally find foreign owners, 
and, as we can, upon a general scale, build vessels at a cheaper rate 
than most of the nations of Europe, one species of our industry 
•will meet a recompense in becoming ship-builders instead of ship- 
owners. 

Dismissing this subject without further remark, we have now to 
inquire in what manner peace will affect agriculture, manufactures, 
and distillation. 

In the first consists the natural, unalienable, and progressive 
strength of the nation ; governed and fostered by the omnipotent 
mercies of Providence, by the genial return of seasons, and brought 
to maturity and abundance by the hand of art and industry. — 
Throughout our distended continent agriculture is the vivifying 
and all-important branch of labour on which the happiuess or misery 
of the community depends. During w ar, however, there is as much 
speculation and hazard attendant on this employment as on others; 
it thus frequently happens, that farmers become rapidly rich or 
poor ; are superabundantly paid for their labour, and their land, or 
dwindle and become distressed for want of an adequate price for 
those commodities on which they have bestowed both time and 
toil. The speculator on paper, in stocks, or any other ideal re- 
presentative of property is not more liable to the chances of profit 
and loss than the farmer in the unsettled times of war. A fluctua- 
tion of 20 to 50 per cent, either in the rise or fall of an article, is 
oftentimes witnessed within six months, and although, generally 
speaking, the farmers throughout these states have been more for- 
tunate than otherwise, during our contest, and the few years preceed- 
ing it — yet some have met equal adversity with the merchant or 
any other occupation. 

The day of peace produces a general level with agriculturists ia 
the same ratio that it does with commerce. That extraordinary, 



19 

and at times, unaccountable rise and depression of articles of our 
internal growth is no more to be looked foi thau the rise and de- 
pression of a yard of broadcloth. The farmer, therefore, who would 
calculate his gaius in receiving 10 or 12 dollars per barrel, for his 
flour, must take into consideration his loss if he realizes but 3 or 4. 
The real value of a barrel of flour, in times of peace, taking it in 
an aggregate and comparative view, can uever be more than tJ dol- 
lars. In the mouths succeeding harvest, and when the greatest 
abundance is in market, it will not command this price. Frauce» 
from her being excluded from all external commerce, and not allowed 
to supply her colonies, even during the season of war, when that 
dreadful name conscription was on foot, seldom witnessed her flour to 
exceed 36 francs, or something less than seven dollars for the 200lb, 
In the year 1 795 alone, owing to the horrors of the revolution and 
a failure iu the crops, together with the starvation edicts of England, 
did it ever take an enormous rise ? and the policy of the government 
soon checked this evil so pregnant with many others. 

Whilst treating on this subject, it may be well to notice, that the 
period is not distant when South America and Mexico will like- 
wise be important granaries; the reason this has not already ta- 
ken place, arises not so much from limited population, as from the 
restrictions that Spain has for three ceuturies persevered in, against 
the settlement of foreigners in her dominions, from the barbarous 
and antisocial system of her political institutions, whose cardi- 
nal principle consisted in the necessity of keeping 17 millions of in- 
habitants, iu this va6t continent, in the lowest state of iguorance 
and misery, in order to swell the pomp, and nurture the disposition 
of a parcel of monks and mountebanks on a little peninsula of 
Europe. - 

The laws of nature and reason will no longer be riolated in such an 
outrageous manner, as they have been for ages, on this beautiful con- 
tinent ; the bounties of a beneficent God will be, ere long, displayed 
throughout this hemisphere, and millions of unborn descendants of 
Europeans, as well as the offspring of the Incas, will bless the 
names of those who, in this century, have so largely contributed 
to the emancipation of the western world, from the feudal chains 
ef Europe. But to return t» my subject. I think it very pro- 



20 

bable, that in lees thau 30 years, South America and Mexico wiU 
be enabled to export immeuse quantities of grain. 

Wheat grows in abundance in almost every part of this continent. 
Indian corn may be cultivated every where. The banks of the ri- 
ver Magdalena, as well as all the adjacent country, already yields 
a superabundance of rice. A few years ago there was scarcely suffi- 
cient raised for the consumption of the country ; but since the peo- 
ple have declared themselves independent of Spain, and the new 
government have removed the shackles from commerce and agri- 
culture, the change produced has been truly magicaK 

There are now above a hundred rice plantations, where there was 
one four years back. During the late war between the United 
States and Great Britain, many vessels of considerable tonnage 
were loaded with this article at Carthagena and on the coast, for 
Jamaica ; i-. became so abundant that the price was as low as two, 
to two and a half dollars a hundred weight. The grain is equally, 
or, perhaps, more nutritious than our Carolina rice; it is not as well 
cleaned, but that circumstance will be remedied by the improve- 
ments that are rapidly finding their way to those countries. There 
is no doubt in my mind, that in a few years rice will rank among 
the exports of Carthagena, not only for the West Indies, but for the 
European markets; and there is likewise no doubt, that it can be 
raised in this part of New Grenada without many of the disadvan- 
tages attached to its culture iu Carolina and Georgia. 

The wheat that now comes down the river Magdalena, from a 
place called Ocaua, in the interior, is equal in quality and flavour 
to the Barbary grain. The flour, at present made, is not quite as 
white as ours, but will be equally so, when proper attention is di- 
rected towards manufacturing it. 

Tobacco and cotton, in all their various qualities, may be suc- 
cessfully cultivated in almost every part of these regions, and in fact, 
nature has so peculiarly endowed this part of the earth with all the 
varieties of climate aud soil, that it not only yields indigenous ar- 
ticles, which no other part of the earth can ever rival, but is capable 
of producing whatever can be raised in either zone. 

These remarks will, no doubt, have their due weight with many 
of my reflecting readers, and may teach our landed proprietors to 
reflect, that neither they aor their heirs are to oalculate on the Unit- 



21 

til States being, as they have hitherto been, the unrivalled graaary 
of the universe. 

The agriculturist, 3o a time of peace, must, therefore, look more 
to the wants of the community at home than to those abroad. Ouv 
southern planters of rice, cotton, and tobacco will, uo doubt, enjoy 
the great benefit of a foreign market; but as all those articles are 
the growth of foreign countries, they must uot calculate on the ex- 
clusive supply of them ; but that their prices will be governed by 
the same limitation which extends to every other article the pro- 
duce of the earth. 

The cultivation of various articles, some of which we yet import 
from abroad, and others of too limited a culture, will be found to be 
attended with more profit to the farmer than many others hitherto 
considered of the first importance — such as woad, an article easily 
raised and of great value in dying. The olive tree, which has al- 
ready been known to thrive in our climate, and if I am not mistaken, 
has been cultivated by our president, Jefferson, is another article, 
opening a wide field, which would well repay its first cultivators. 
Mustard seed is an article which reflects a shame on our agricultur- 
ists, that it is not produced in abundance among us. This article 
sold for two dollars and even three dollars per pound duriog the war, 
which might give a great piofit to the cultivator at 50 cents, or in- 
deed, one half that price. Ginseng, a plant indigenous to our soil, 
has not sufficient attention ; ten times the quantity might meet a 
good market that is now raised. The Spanish tobacco plant, the 
seed of which can easily be imported from Cuba, would yield con- 
siderable profit to those whose lands were genial to its cultiva- 
tion. In this article the agriculturist should be particularly careful 
in his choice of land, in which he may make his essay, and should 
inform himself well on this subject, in which there is no difficulty to 
insure success in his project. Hops, senna, ginger, turmeric, rhubarb, 
and many other articles of inferior grades and value might be men- 
tioned, which would suit our soil and various climate. 

The cultivation of the vine too, which hitherto, more from iuat- 
tention to soil aud climate, has, as yet, been unsuccessful, will one 
day bounteously repay the more prudent and successful cultiva- 
tor. Doctor Logan, in a letter written from Stenton, in February, 
1 799, gives, iu my opinion, seme usef«l hints »a this subject ; he is 



•)•) 



guided in his remark?, however, by the climate of Franco, in which 
lie saw them cultivated. A due attention to the remarks made by 
Doctor Logan, and adapting ihem to the climate aud soil in which 
this essay may be made, will most likely be attended with success. 
The gum tree, a native of Africa, known better by the general 
term Senegal gum, and which is used in almost all manufactures of 
linen and cotton, by hatters, and also by apothecaries, under the 
name of gum arable, might be successfully transplanted from that 
country, and thousands of acres of our land in Georgia, Florida, 
and West Louisiana unproductive at present to their holders, (many 
of them barren sands,) might, in the course of a few years, without 
anj labour, (for the tree requires none,) become flourishing forests of 
this valuable thorn, producing mines of wealth from this exotic 
gum ; the value of which has been so highly estimated, that the na- 
tion, whether France or England, who had possession of the colony 
of Senegal, always debarred the world from any interference in her 
monopoly of this article. The only exception to this general prin- 
ciple was, while France, unable to assist her colonies, threw them 
open to neutral commerce. This tree, which grows to the height of 
10 to 15 feet, if planted for the purpose of hedges, might be made be- 
neficial in a double manner, forming a safe barrier to all inclosures, 
and yielding at the same time a revenue to the possessor. Should 
there be any impediment in procuring this from Senegal, England 
now holding possession of St. Louis, and preserving her monopoly by 
interdicting all trade but her own, it may he fouud in abundance 
on the Atlantic coast of Barbary, although it does not flourish to the 
extent to yield the exportation of its gum. These arc not Utopian 
ideas. Experience has proved, by the introduction and growth of 
the cotton plant within a few years in the southern states, as well as 
the sugar cane, the genial properties of our soil and climate; and 
the extent of those advantages a Benevolent Deity has yet in store, 
for the industry and enterprise of the citizens of this favoured 



region. 



Many other articles of foreign growth, as yet unknown and un- 
cultivated among us, may strike the imagination of the reader aud 
researcher, which might be of equal importance to attend to; those 
already mentioned, however, are sufficient to demonstrate, that we 
have not yet paid all that atteotiou to enriching our soil, or reaping 



2o 

;Yom it all those bounties with which the bencficicnt hand oi" the 
Creator has so lib< rally vUitedthe earth. 

In a state of civil society, to what other obje.ci than wealth 
is the toil of man directed. The wisest man may he said to 
•work the least, as he employs himself on those objects which 
may be the most productive, find yield him the highest price 
for his labour. The nearest road to wealth is the one gener- 
ally sought for, though thousands miss the track. Those who 
pursue the beaten foot-way of their ancestors, and are never in- 
duced to swerve from it, however alluring the prospect, may rank 
perhaps, among the most prudent aud unaspiring. They enjoy a 
dull monotony, and their slumbeift are never disturbed by doubts 
or enlivened by the imagery of hope — they have uothing to gain or 
lose in the great lottery of fortune. To such men an innovation 
or experiment is as the forbidden fruit, one which, as their forcfa. 
thers never tasted, they maintain the same self denial. However se- 
cure this wary prudence may make such men, unhappy for the 
world would it be, did such a general apathy prevail. Where, alas ! 
would be the arts and sciences, the refinements and improvements, 
and those useful discoveries, which adorn the history of revolving 
years and ameliorate the condition of mankind ? Soon, indeed, 
would they vanish from our sight buried in the gloom of gothic ig- 
norance. But, fortunately for the world, these are he smallest por- 
tion of society. The majority, and particularly in this country, pos- 
sess an ardent spirit for adventure and experiment ; an enthusiasm 
for improvement and discovery by no means general throughout 
Europe. It is this which has given us a tide of prospeiity in com- 
merce, unexperienced in the history of the world — it is this which 
has stimulated us as inhabitants of a vast and free region, not ouly 
to dive into the mysteries of foreign commerce, but to extract from it 
all that is valuable to ourselves. The improvements of Europe, and 
its refinements, rose from a state of barbarism and villanage pro- 
gressively, and varied the scene from savage to social life by slow 
gradations. The states of America were ushered into existence un- 
der all the advantages of modern ethics and philosophy. From the 
date of the declaration of their independence, they may be said to 
have been boru and nurtured under the first constellations of ge- 
nius that ever illumined the world ; the d^ctriues and tenets 
of a Newton and a Locke, a Volney and a Leland, were ail under- 



24 

stood and investigated by a Rittenhouse and a Frauklin, a Jefferson 
and a Hamilton; and in place of gradual steps to information, we 
had the arcana of Europe uuveiled to us, thereby affording an op- 
portunity to demonstrate the boldness and extent of native genius, 
when unencumbered by prejudice, and unrestrained by despotism. 
To the enlerprize and researches of a Fulton, do we owe the vast 
advantages which have been already deiived, and are likely to 
progress to an unlimited extent, from the discovery of a proper and 
powerful application of steam, in impelling the " skarfed bark" 
through her liquid element, aud directing her course with swift- 
ness, in opposition to the winds of Heaven, and in defiance of coun- 
ter currents. The new, the wonderful, and yet unthought-of ad- 
vantages to which this great improvement may extend, is a fair 
field for reflecting genius to predicate both fortune and fa-ine by its 
application to useful objects, and to the economy of time and labour. 
The historian of America shall with enthusiastic fervour dwell upon 
the memory of this liberal and enlightened citizen, and shall, in the 
general sentiment of his cotemporaries, deplore the irreparable loss 
the arts have suffered by the short duration of his earthly career. 
Had more extended years been allotted him by the fiat of Omnipo- 
tence, that masterly aud energetic genius might have discovered 
still stronger traits, and have furnished even more brilliant facts to 
philosophy than those with which he has adorned it. 

Reverting to my subject of the adventure, inherent in my coun- 
trymen, it strikes me that the same wisdom and researches which 
unfolded riches to their view in traversing the ocean, will now be 
diiected to their pursuits ou land. 

The same spirit of industry in the establishments of landed pro- 
perties, with productive incomes, may be looked for at home, which 
has within these last twenty years been directed abroad in foreign 
speculations. The careful culture of new and valuable plants, herbs, 
trees, &c. hitherto considered as exotics, will no doubt, interest more 
or less the genius of my countrymen — and should there not appear 
a sufficient enthusiasm excited, or doubts and dreads awakeued, 
wi'h regard to the success, which might or might not be their attend- 
ants, it would be a just and generous act of policy in the government, 
in <he first instance, to establish nurseries and agricultural semina- 
ries, until the general principles regarding their culture should be 



25 

well uuderstood. Sheep, particularly the merino breed, will re- 
quire the fostering hand of government for their prosperous cultiva- 
tion and increase. On, these however, I defer my remarks for ano- 
ther chapter. 

In a general view, therefore, of the question whether the agricul- 
tural interest will be benefitted by the restoration of peace, in the 
present posture of affairs with the rest of the world, it is my opinion, 
that for the few occurring years, until some new chauuels for indus- 
try are opened, the labour of the farmer will be increased and Iu3 
proGts diminished. Enthusiastic, like all other callings and profes- 
sions in life, the farmer will at once employ great labour to procure 
great crops, but he will be doomed to meet a sad reverse in his sales 
from what he has long been accustomed to receive. The treasona- 
ble and demoralized principle of furnishing flour and various arti- 
cles of provision, to the enemy during a state of war, has been oue 
great cause for the price which wheat has hitherto sustained. The 
cultivator of the earth will now discover that in the beaten track 
of his forefathers, small profits will furnish him a livelihood, but 
should he, in the day of general peace, look for the same emoluments 
which arose from the confusion of a general war, and the distractions 
of Europe, he will meet a woful disappointment. 

A great source of wealth to many of our industrious inhabitants 
of the remote parts of the states of Pennsylvania, New-York, Vir- 
ginia, Maryland, and Kentucky, has beeu produced by the fermen- 
tation of grains and fruits, under the operation of distillation. These 
liquors were disseminated throughout the union, were vended in 
large quantities in the commercial cities, and in them frequently 
underwent the operation of the liquor-vender or brewer; who, by 
the aid of certain drugs, by mixtures, &c. produced a liquor assi- 
milated to those imported from abroad, and such as might suit the 
general demaud, either for the consumption of the country or suit- 
able for exportation. Vast quantities of this distillation of our 
country, properly known under the name of whisky, was manufac- 
tured and changed into brandy, cherry-bounce, Holland gin, Ja- 
maica and Antigua rum, and various liqueurs which met a ready 
sale at foreign markets, and a considerable consumption iu our 
own. The events anterior to the war which occasioned but a par- 
tial introduction of foreign spirits, and the war, which afterwards 
produced almost their utter exclusioD, gave to the proprietors of 



26 

stills an advantage which no other causes could have operated. The 
fermented spirits they produced, and n Inch hitherto had never been 
varied from its origiual distillation, now assumed the character of 
the camelion, and changed from white to red, to green or blue, at 
the option of its possessor ; it partook of the taste of the jumper, or 
sn*ar cane, and various other ingredients, and was sold under an 
bumlred different shapes and titles. At one period, during the war, 
rye and Indian corn, as being the staple and best articles for pro- 
ducirig this liquor, assumed a price nearly equal to wheat; although 
their actual value and cost of raising, is not entitled to more than 
one half, or one-third. Apples rose to a price never known before, 
and even turnips and potatoes as a substitute and succedaneum, 
claimed a value they never before had seen in the history cf this na- 
tion. Stills multiplied in all quarters, and those who lived in cities, 
under every disadvantage, erected them; whilst formerly none but 
the farmers who could make them an auxiliary to the fattening of 
his pork, by the n dundaucy of grain, could ever consider them as 

attended with profit. 

The distiller, however, must now calculate on very reduced pro- 
fits, and the tax on his still will reduce it still lower. The price that 
he obtained for his unadulterated and pure corn whisky, will now 
in a short time, purchase the rum of the West Indies, or the bran- 
dies of France ; and as every native liquor is the best, no one will 
touch the brewed or manufactured whisky, in the shape of either 
brands gin, or spirits, while the genuine is to be procured on equal 
terms ' It naturally follows, that distillation will be attended with 
many misfortunes; a decrease of stills will ensue, and the price ob- 
tained for these last three years, for rye and other grains, as well 
as fruits and roots of the earth, will decrease in a certain ratio, 
though I am deceived if they will decrease in the same proportion 
as the recult of the still. 

In this light I am inclined to consider the distiller of fermented 
liquors, as one of the many sufferers by the change of the times; and 
it deeply behoves him to be on his guard against the reduction of 
price, which must naturally occur; and also, the diminishing de- 
mand both at home and abroad, particularly that which latterly has 
been occasioned by the various armies of the United States, aud 



27 

which, in loss and consumption, carried off immense quantities of this 
article. 

The manufacturer next engages, in a very serious manner, my at- 
tention ; if any class of our citizens will suffer great injury from the 
transition of the times, it is likely to be the patriotic, the enthusi- 
astic and adventurous maaufacturcr. The benefit deiive'i bj the 
United States during the contest with Great Eritaiu, by the indus- 
try employed in manufacturing various cloths of cotton, linen, and 
woollen, &c. by the erection and establishment of various machine- 
ries, the numerous and inappreciable establishments founded on the 
improved chymcstry, the mineral and metallic productions necessary 
to other civil arts, are all likely to be but iodiffereutly repaid to 
the capitalist, who embarked his fortune in these pursuits. The be- 
nefits derived by the nation have been numerous, and far greater 
than a general observer would suppose. In a time of war to foster 
and encourage the artizau in such employments as were calculated 
to alleviate the wants of the community, and particularly the sol- 
dier in the service of his country, was a natural and interested feel- 
ing in the government; a decided preference was, therefore, shown 
to the manufactures of our own people; and contracts, by the agents 
appointed by government, were entered into for large supplies of ne- 
cessary articles for clothing, expressly stipulating, that they were 
the fabric of the country. Almost every article of clothing which 
were furnished to the troops of the United States, not excepting 
blankets, were the manufacture of our own citizens; and the last 
mentioned article, manufactured in a particular manner, (a mixture 
of cotton and wool,) possessing superior properties iu many respects, 
for the service of the camp, afforded greater comforts to the sol- 
dier, than two of those imported, and heretofore geneially used. 

The great expense to which the manufacturing capitalist has 
been submitted, in the new career in which he started, whether 
guided by interest or stimulated by patriotism, or by both, is likely 
to eventuate iu much disappointment and loss. 

The interest of England urges her by every means to force her 
various fabrics into the most general circulation ; *>ud the trade with 
the greatly extended territory of these states, diversified by various 
seasons and climates, has been ever considered the most profitable 
tad important that England enjoyed. Interest, the polar star 



28 

of nations, (as well as individuals,) directs her to pursue that path 
which will aid and encourage the exportation of her manufactures 
and her traffic with America ; and the height of refinement to 
which her artizans have arrived, gives her a decided preference 
even in the opinion and fancy of our own citizens, to similar goods 
of natural fabrication. 

The proper distribution of colours, the just appropriation of 
light and shade, the evenness of thread — and above all, the exqui- 
site finish and glaze, which certain goods receive from the hand of 
the adept, naturally gives them a value in the eye of every behold- 
er. Besides which, there is another provocative to value and 
choice — that indefiueable something which exists under the name 
of fashion, and which imperiously governs the fancy and caprice of 
the world. As hitherto Europe, and particulary England and 
France, have been the rabiters and precedents of this camelion god- 
dess, even across the Atlantic ,• it will be found an unattainable 
effort to correct this despotism of fancy, without a strong induce- 
ment operating sensibly on the interests of the community. 

It may be argued that patriotism should stimulate us to encour- 
age the workmen and mechanics of our native soil, but it would be 
argued in vain. Will any one of us purchase an article made at 
home, of a thread more uneven, of an inferior finish, of a fashion 
out of date, merely because it was made at home, when for the 
same, or perhaps less money, we can procure the newest fashion of 
England, carrying with it colours better executed, aud an appear- 
ance more beautiful ? Even admitting that the article might be 
stronger and wear better, unless the eye and fancy were pleased, 
there must be a greater stimulus to obtain it a preference — videlicet, 
its price. 

Notwithstanding the raw material may be the natural production 
of our soil; the low price of labour, and the high perfection to which 
machinery has been brought in Europe, gives the manufacturer 
abroad, and particularly England, (as having the articles most suited 
to our wants,) a decided advantage over this country. And those 
articles, after paying all charges abroad, the freight across the ocean, 
and the import duty at home, can yet afford a commission and a 
profit, and undersell that manufactured by ourselves of the same 
texture ; and what is a necessary and a serious part oi these conn- 



20 

derations is, the mercantile policy united with the policy of \\er pow- 
er, undeviatingly pursued by England through the medium of her 
bounties, drawbacks, and the system of long credits established 
by the traders of that nation; the great sacrifices they are always 
read} to make, in order to destroy competition, in order to secure 
a market, and the political influence which is always connected 
with her agency, which will be a formidable antagonist to our do- 
mestic ingenuity and industry. 

That these men who have aided by their enterprise and activity 
the general government, and the nation at large, iu the employ- 
ment of their energies and capitals; who have clothed the sol- 
dier in his camp, providing also for the daily wants of a vast 
continent ; should, in a day of peace, and what is termed general 
joy be thrown from employment and involved in difficulties and 
distress, is a reflection which must arrest the attentioD aud feelings 
©four rulers and the community. 



)& 






CHAPTER III. 

Hen- far the general government can protect the citizens of' the 
United States under changes of War to Peace — The necessity of 
calling a Convention, its legality and its effects considered — Ex- 
ports particularly noticed — Imports considered — Manufactures, 
the Economy resulting therefrom — Export duties on Wheat, Col' 
{an, and other articles, considered — Canals and Roads considered — 
The neccsaity of Government holding those improvements in their 
own hands — The abuse of Lotteries, &c. 

The preceding chapter has been employed to demonstrate that 
aeither the merchant, the agriculturist, nor the artizan, (particular- 
ly the one exclusively employed in fabricks,) will receive any of 
those various benefits which were looked upon to be the result of 
the return of peace; but on the contrary, that each will be likely to 
experience a sudden and disastrous check in their pursuits, and, 
that the artizan, or manufacturing capitalist, is the most exposed to 
softer disappointment, and serious inconvenience by the revolution 
of (he times. 

There arc evils in human life which admit of no remedy or pal- 
liation ; yet in political ethics, there are few evils so bad but they 
might be reduced, if uot wholly cured. The inquiry, therefore, is, 
in what manner can the evils likely to ensue be deprecated, and 
how far is it in the power of these states, in their political wisdom, 
to extend the parental hand to protect their children and depend- 
ants? A uation is lich, powerful and envied, only by its wise and 
just administration. Hitherto the United States have been the 
envy of the Christian world; and thus the suffering subjects of the 
ancient dynasties of Europe, nave courted emigration to our shores, 
abandoning, as they will tell you, poverty and degradation at home, 
to find comfort, if net wealth ; and a character in society, if not ho- 
nours, in a land of freedom. It is sincerely to be hoped that the 
same wise policy which has conducted, as yet, the only republic in 
the world, to happiness and feme, may still exist; and that this 



31 

ti.iy of general peace, which, in its consequences, •sesms t® estate 
some alarm in our bosoms; may only be the prelude to more aMe 
and just plans, to preserve oar prosperity, and ere an with addii-tiaral 
honours the sachems of our nation. 

In order to progress with safety, and give a powerful impetas to 
those measures, which it may prove the policy of the United St;a.ea? 
to adopt, it appears to me indispensably necessary that a oanrra> 
tion should be called by the majority, (if not the unanimous vok-t of 
the states,) to alter and amend the constitution, as circumeUwices' 
and the present situation of the world may require. It is not a on- 
vention similar to*the Eastern convention, that is here alluded tej; 
it is not — but I forbear from expressions on this subject — that cms.- 
vention has received its final dismissal to die " tomb of the C&- 
pulets ;" and as it is unmanly to level a blow at a pro^trat-e m&> 
defeated enemy, however insidious were his designs; I refrain .fieaa 
any animadversions on its motives, or its principles. The conges- 
tion that I here propose, is a conveuiiou by the unauimous rtke 
and feelings of the confederated states; or, at least a ma jo illy of 
them; in a day of peace and tranquillity; and after our contest W&& 
the greatest maritime power of the world has ended with honoua to* 
the American name. If this can be effected, I think the raea-aaape 
will be atteuded with benefits to the nation; but any other con-vsr- 
tion than one constitutionally authorised, should have no mre 
weight with the general politics and municipal regulations of ithe 
geaeral government, than the statistical laws and regulation of 
Georgia or Louisiana, have with the District of Maine. 

The collected wisdom and virtue of those who framed the consti- 
tution of these states, produced, as they supposed, as perfect a jjdl- 
tical instrumeut, fining to the temper of the times then existing;; as 
wisdom and virtue could dictate. And one great and judicious jratf 
of its perfection consisted, in its being liable to alterations :aaoi 
amendments, as circumstances and policy might demand; which aS- 
terations could only be made by a concurrence of a majority of fire. 
states. Nearly thirty years have elapsed since the federal com- 
pact was made: — the constitution, perfect as it might then seem M 
those who orgauized it, was not even considered by them to beat' 
that perfection in all its clauses, as would suit all times and all eveUte 
It was left opes for experiment and circumstances to proves whei^a 



3<J 

its excellencies or defects consisted. Consldeiing the widely extend- 
ed territory over which it was to operate, it could not be supposed 
that die coup (Vceil of human sagacity could divine the events ol 
years, the changes which might operate on culture, and commerce, or 
the various improvements and increase which time might occasion 
io a new and thriving empire. The addition of various states, also, 
which now include a large portion of the territory of the nation, 
could not have engaged the attention of the authors of our present 
constitution; being ignorant, at that time, of what portion of soil the 
additional states should cousist, and its properties and productions. 
Who, at that time, would have contemplated on the accession of 
New Orleans, by purchase, and the free navigation of that won- 
drous river, the Mississippi; (subjects of themselves, of magnitude 
sufficient to arrest the consideration of an empire,) but as events 
which would require the revolution of at least a century to 
produce ? 

The regulations, as regards exports, have been long considered by 
many general politicians, unbiassed and uninfluenced by party, to 
be a defective portion of this national instrument. 

Almost every nation iu the world, (America excepted,) draws a 
revenue, greater or lesser, from all such articles as are derived from 
the recult of the earth, or are the natural and indigenous produc- 
tions of their soil — and those who have a circumscribed and limited 
territory, and a superabundance of subjects, wisely and politically 
"ive a bounty on certain articles of manufacture; in order to induce 
industry to take another channel, and direct it from the tillage of 
the earth to mechanism and the arts. The policy of various coun- 
tries directs them, to apportion this duty on their different articles 
of export, in those proportions, which, while it enriches the revenue, 
would not act as a prohibition, or admit a neighbouring nation tc 
supply the article at a lower rate. The constitution of the United 
States allows the exportation of every article of domestic growth 01 
manufacture, free of any duty, drawing therefrom no revenue for 
the nation. Doubtless this principle had motives of a generous 
kind for its origin; and those motives, it will naturally be supposed, 
were no other than to create a stimulus for the culture of the soil 
among a people, who had an immmense tract of territory, and a 
small population, in comparison, scattered over it. The policy is 



33 

obvious between nations, where in the one case, the acres are tea 
times more numerous than the inhabitants ; aud in the other, where 
the inhabitants are teu times more numerous than the acres. To 
aid cultivation by the strongest inducements, was the uatural policy 
of the United States, on the declaration of their independence; and 
to do this with effect, it appeared both reasonable aud wise, that 
the fruits of the earth should be unshackled and unrestrained. 
Thirty revolving years have shed their beuignaut blessings on its 
children — thirty summers have yielded to the labours of the hus- 
bandman, increasing plenty ; aud the sons of those who cultivated with 
care and economy, their ten and twenty acres, now cultivate in ease 
and affluence their hundreds. Thousands of miles, (not acres,) where 
the hammer was never heard to sound; where the tread of civili- 
zed mau had never, thirty years ago, been kuown to explore, are 
now changed from sombrous and majestic forests, to populous states, 
beautiful towns and hamlets, surrounded by verdant fields of rich 
aud luxuriant graio, or pasturage; and the dark swamps and mo- 
rasses, which engendered pestileuce, now flourish with all the pride 
aud beauty of the Indian corn, the rice plant, the cotton shrub, and 
the sugar cane. Tens upon tens of thousands of acres, which had 
never felt the plow or harrow wound their bosoms, are now con- 
verted into fields of gay and variegated landscape ; and new states, 
rich in every article of necessity, are rising, as by enchantment, in 
the hearts of regions, which, when the constitution was formed, 
were only trackless wilds. 

Considering these important changes, as the probable results of 
that free and liberal policy which animated our forefathers ; aud 
which, emansting from virtue, unwarped and unbiassed by the pre- 
judiced, and selfish dogmas of ancient courts, (in which patriotism is 
defined, to enrich the pampered few, aud treason, that which scatters 
even crumbs to the galled and suffering multitude. ) Considering 
these as the results of our policy, the constitution wisely provided 
for its own revision, when the duties of the nation might invite 
it. That hour, from various causes, seems now to present itself; it 
calls not, however, for any fundamental alteratiou in the fair instru- 
ment of our national greatness. Its principles have been long tested 
by ourselves and the world, to be the happiest production of wis- 
dom and virtue, and the best safeguard to the rights of man. Yet 

5 



34 

it calls, notwithstanding, for the revision of certain parts of it, and 
that particularly, which regards the exports of our raw materials, or 
those produced from the recult of the autumn. The hitherto wise 
policy of this instrument has now produced all the desired effect, 
both in cultivation and emigration; and it is now lime that trie go- 
vernment should derive from them, an ample revenue; and that this 
tax should be raised, not from the consumer at home, but from the 
consumer abroad. Wheat, Judian corn, rice, cotton, hemp, flaxseed, 
and tobacco, may at this day be said to form the staple and pro- 
minent productions of the soil of North America, as also the most 
important branch ol her exports; each of tnose articles is capable of 
extracting from itself a revenue, by a duty laid on its exportation ; 
which, although in the first instance, paid by the merchant at home, 
would be an additional value on the article abroad, as not being 
able to be furnished elsewhere at a cheaper rate, the consumer must 
refund it. 

The policy which would dictate those export duties, would be 
wise to leave them always open for the consideration of congress^ 
either for their increase, reduction, or abandonment, as times and 
circumstances might vary. The remarks in my second chapter, 
iu which I look to the future agricultural prosperity of Spanish 
America, admonish us, that the present is the hour at which we 
can safely raise a revenue; which, at a period not very far distant, 
it might be dangerous to attempt. The day of peace also, is the day 
fitted for the experiment. The commerce of peace is merely that 
of an exchange of articles of one nation with the other, for their rela- 
tive wants — speculation and great profits are asleep. It, therefore 
becomes more easy to ascertain what taxation these articles will ad- 
mit, without being introduced into foreign markets under any dis- 
advantage from a competition — the world at large being now fair 
competitors with tis. This is considering that Europe will yet re- 
pose. To estimate the amount of taxation that these exports would 
bear, must be the inquiry of a board instituted for the purpose; the 
demands for, and the consumption of the article must be duly con- 
sidered, and particular attention paid that the taxation should be 
apportioned to each article according to its estimation and standard 
abroad, and its greater or lesser cultivation ; so that it would not 
in any measure militate against the interest of any individual 



35 

species of useful culture, or by distressing it, reduce the spirit of 
that enterprise which it might eugage. 

Without entering into any calculation of the amount of exports, 
or what percentage they would bear, I shall confine myself to a ge- 
neral assertion, of the correctness of which, arithmeticians may here- 
after determine — that if a wholesome, unoppressive, and propor- 
tional duty was levied by the government, on each article exported, 
that its product would be not only equal, but greater than all the 
duties received from importation in a time of peace ; and that this 
would render unnecessary many of the taxes imposed to defray the 
expenditures of the war, and the debts of the nation, will, I am con- 
vinced, be palpably visible to the nation itself. 

The policy which introduced the clause in our constitution, for- 
bidding duties on exports, however beneficial io its intention, or 
even in the motives upon which it was established, has been tested 
by time, to be injurious to our present interests. To a nation which, 
like the Chinese, would make its fundamental policy consist of a 
total interdiction of maritime enterprise, which should forbid all 
exports in ships of its own ; which should aim to avoid intercourse 
with other countries ; and resolutely determine against all inter- 
change of political or national relations with the rest of the world. 
To such a nation, (who, like China, would be also competent to 
maintain this policy,) the principle of free and untaxed export 
would unquestionably be wise and necessary. Yet who is he that can 
assert that the fabrics of China are not taxed before they are per- 
mitted to pass the barrier walls? or even should this not be the 
case, it amounts to the same thing; the artizau must pay so much 
for his privilege to work, and the government draws a revenue 
from the industry and profits of her subjects. Little is known of 
China, but it certainly does not hold out alluring principles for the 
imitation of these states. The policy of her noo intercourse may, 
perhaps, be well adapted to her peculiar civilization, to her fear 
and contempt of the rest of the world ; but it has no traits in it 
which suit the taste and enterprize of the indepeudeut citizen of 
America. 

It is more than probable, that to this very source we may our- 
selves trace this principle in our constitution. From the beginning 
to nearly the close of the last century, the Chinese nation was seen 



36 

with the same sensibility with which we view the brilliant thus of a 
picture reflected by the camera obscura ; or that sensation of delight 
with which youth witness from the pit or boxes of a theatre, the illu- 
sions of a pageant or a drama; the Chinese nation was but little 
known, and it was judged only by the beauties of its exterior dra- 
pery, the tinsel which decorated its productions, and the character 
of novelty which the dissimilarity of its productions and manners 
presented, compared with every other nation on the globe. The 
last century was an age of curiosity and philanthropy ; every means 
by which human happiness could be promoted was sought with en- 
thusiasm; it was a virtuous zeal, which can never be too much che- 
rished nor admired, and even its errors are entitled to some respect. 
Among those errors was the admiration of this antisocial policy of 
the Chinese, who have become, probably better known, and less en- 
titled to admiration or imitation. We know now that their 
internal condition is the most inveterate of all tyrannies and slave- 
ries ; and that the barbarity of its internal government is better 
adapted to excite the execration than the respect of mankind. It 
was the fashion, however, in the last century, to admire the Chinese. 
Of all the writers of that age, none condemned, and mamj held forth 
the Chinese as examples of admiration, for wisdom and perfection 
in their policy. Mankind are never so ready to bestow their ad- 
miration as on objects above their comprehension ; and objects of 
this kind, insusceptible of immediate examination, are readily taken 
upon authority. The Chinese existed as a uation without export- 
ing her own products, or importing those of others. It was in the 
last age an opinion among the most influential body of men, which 
has ever existed at one period in the world, that such a policy 
would be wise in every nation; and the founders of our constitu- 
tion adopted the opinion, at least so far as this principle goes. But 
we might, with as much reason, adopt the principles of Voltaire's 
sincere Huron, as a rule of civil government, as the notions of Chi- 
nese policy which then prevailed. 

To investigate this principle of our constitution, which forbids 
a tax upon exports, we might consult facts better known and 
easily accessible. Overcoming that proverbial fondness which 
mankind unhappily displays for being cheated, we must ex- 
amine the simple truths which experience ought to have brought 



37 

under our eyes long ago. We should consider that society, n» 
more than a family, cao exist without resources to defray expen- 
diture; that even, if as a nation we stood single iu the world ; or se- 
parated, like the Chinese, from the common intercourse of nations, 
that there must be a* portion of the property of every individual, 
in some shape, surrendered as a contribution to the general support 
of the national family — to its protection — to its prosperity — in a 
word, to the use of its government. The government must have 
household furniture, and subsistence, and allowance for wear and 
tear. When we have determined this principle in our own minds, 
we have only to inquire by what means this contribution to the ge- 
neral stock, from the stock of individuals, cao be made with the 
greatest ease and the least inconvenience. This inquiry will lead 
us to examine the nature of the impost, or the tax upon goods im- 
ported from abroad ; we take a piece of broad cloth, and we find 
that in its progress to and from the foreign loom, it has to pay — 1. 
The cost of purchase of the sheep. 2. Subsistence of the shepherd. 
3. The wool stapler. 4. The wool factor. 5. The wool comber. 
6. The spinner. 7. The weaver. 8. The dyer. 9. The fuller. 
10. The cloth dresser. 11. The factor. 12. The expenses of 
transport and package. 13. The export duty. 14. The freight. 
15. The insurance. 16. The impost duty. 17. The profit to the 
importer. 18. The retail or wholesale draper — besides ten or 
twelve intermediate descriptions of persons, such as washers, pick- 
ers, cloth-markers, warehouse-men, and labourers, porters, pack- 
ers, &c. &c. 

This enumeration of persons employed, serves to show the varie- 
ty of hands which must be paid severally, in proportion to the 
established value of their time, ingenuity, labour, aud the capi- 
tal which is employed in the manufacture and the trade ; and it 
leads us to a more simple view of the question, which it is neces- 
sary to ask, in order that we may discover how this money and the 
services are paid ; or from what source it is derived, or who pays 
these various descriptions of people, employed in the raising of the 
wool, passing it to the loom, and flnishiug and transporting it to 
the foreign market ? 

The question is already asked in stating it — who pays all these 
expenses ? 



38 

To perceive the operation clearly, and answer it distinctly, we 
must state a preliminary fact, that no part of the work or service 
performed on this piece of broad cloth, is performed without pay- 
ment for the service; and it is sufficiently comprehensible to the 
plainest understanding, that as the making of cloth is undertaken 
for the purpose of obtaining subsistence, or augmenting the am<>sint 
of property, in those who engage in the tradr ; that each of those 
■who dispose of the article, in whatever shape, whether in the fleece 
or in the jam, or in the finished cloth, each of them must obtain 
something more than the original and accumulative cost of the ar- 
ticle; this is called profit, which always signifies something more 
than the previous cost. We must, therefore, add the profits of each 
successive dealer to the prime cost, and the price of labour. 

How is the man, who last sells the article, paid ? Or, in other 
words — when this piece of broad cloth arrives in New-York, or 
Philadelphia, the duties are all paid, and the cloth on the shelf of 
the trader who sells it for use, who then pays for it? The answer is 
plain; as none of the artisans are unpaid, — as all the duties on the 
English export are paid — as the import duties are paid, — and the re- 
tail draper buys only to sell at a profit ; the only mode by which it 
can be done, is by accumulating all the previous expenses, and add- 
ing the draper's profit, which makes the selling price of the article; 
so that we here see that the man who wears the cloth, is he who ac- 
tually pays all the labourers, factors, export duties, freight, insur- 
ance, import duties, and the profit of the several factors and deal- 
ers, through whose hands it has passed. 

To possess a very clear perception of the momentous truths which 
are involved iii this consideration of the progress of the manufac- 
ture and sale of a piece of cloth, we have only to ascertain what is 
the relative or positive value of the wool, and what the relative or 
positive value of the cloth when sold. In England we shall suppose 
the average price of wool per pound, for superfines, may be taken 
at two shillings aud six pence, or equal to our half dollar the pound, 
and estimating a loss of one half the weight in the manufacture, 
that each yard weighs one pound ; and that the broad cloth thus 
made aud weighed, sells, or has sold, in our market, from eight to 
eighteen dollars the yard. While we perceive with astonishment the 
augmentation of price from the raw wool till it covers the back of 



39 

him who pays for it ; we cannot but perceive that lie who pays for 
the cloth to wear it, is the person who pays all those tribes of work- 
men — all the Juties of export and import — all the freights, and all 
the profits of the foreign factor and the domestic draper. 

Rut we must, in order to perceive these facts in the manner hi 
which they apply to our practice, and our own affairs, reflect, 
that the same principles apply to every article imported from 
abroad; we shall then be able to perceive how our policy is 
calculated to benefit other nations at our own expense; while, 
by refusing to ourselves the same advantages which every other 
nation, derives from the exports ot its products, we confer on 
them an advantage for which they do not give us any equivalent, 
nor even thanks — and in some cases derision for our folly. 

We perceive that so far as we purchase the productions of foreign 
nations, we pay for all the intermediate social labour, between the 
fir.-t cost of the raw material and the import duty ; which whole va- 
lue is in fact a contribution paid by us to the nation from which we 
purchase, as much as any other tax. Let us offer a very loose es- 
timate, taking the piece of broad cloth for our datum. 

An end of broad cloth of 25 yards, say sells for 15 dollars 

the yard, product g 375 

Deduct 25 per cent, profits of draper, . 93 



Price before importation, ...... 282 

From the gross price before importation, deduct the price 
of the wool at half a dollar a pound, and allowing 50 
per cent, waste, . . . . •'..•• 50 



232 



Thus it appears, that for the product of 50 pounds of wool, ma- 
nufactured in foreign countries, and for the support of foreign arti- 
sans, factors, export duties, and freights, we pay nearly five times 
the original cost of the raw article. 

Apply the principle of this single case of a piece of broad cloth, 
to the aggregate of our commerce with foreign nations, and it will 
be seen that we voluntarily or blindly contributt to the support of 



40 

foreign industry, and foreign government; while we refuse our- 
selves the privilege of laying an iuiernal duly on articles of our own 
production, which are equally necessary to foreign nations. 

It requires only to compare the price of our raw cotton with the 
prices of the same article pioduced in other nations, and the piice 
of the manufactured article produced from our staples, to show that 
it is in our power to make other nations contribute to our industry 
and revenue, as we now do to theirs. Particular attention would be 
required in the classification of the taxable articles of export. 
During the disturbances in Europe, from the year 1 795, to the late 
conclusion of the general peace, a considerable and productive re- 
venue might have been raited by a very small duty on flour ex- 
ported to Europe, South America, and the West Indies; a duty of 
even twenty cents per barrel might, for a great part of this time, 
have been obtaiued without producing the least effect on the trade, 
or injury to the merchant, or exporter. The tax levied by the go- 
vernment on exportation, when there is not a competitor to under- 
sell iu the market abroad, is always paid by the consumer; as has 
been seen in the case of a piece of broadcloth. Thus, wheu the mu- 
nicipal regulations of Spain, in order to encourage the importation 
of flour into her colonies from her possessions iu South America, 
laid a duty in the islands ol Cuba, Porto Rico, &c. of eight dollars 
per barrel on foreign flour ; the effect was to raise the price in 
those islands from 12 to 20 dollars, because they were ignorant of 
the true state of agriculture in their continental possessions, aud 
their capacity to supply the wauls of those colonies. A competi- 
tion with the Uuited Stales, under these circumstances, was futile, 
and the extra price ef eight dollars per barrel, while these regula- 
tions existed, were paid not by the merchant of the Uuited States, 
but by the unlucky Spaniard who eat the flour in the colonies, 
whose legislators were ignorant of the operation of trade, and of the 
productions of their own country. To attempt, however, a heavier 
tax than twenty cents on the barrel, on the exportation of this ar- 
ticle, might be dangerous, and perhaps unnecessary ; leaving it 
for the experience of a few months to prove whether it might, witli 
safety, be increased; or whether it might not be politic to abstain 
from any" imposition on this article. As France. Poland, Sicily, 
Macedonia, and Odessa, (in the Euxine,) and many porta in the 



4i 

Mediterranean and islauds in the Atlantic will become, on the con» 
tinuatiou of peace, competitors in this article. How soon their in- 
dustry will be directed with that ardour which will reward it by 
abundant harvests, is yet to be seen. Whether their spirits are bro- 
ken and destroyed by the long continuance and the calamities of 
war; or whether they will be reanimated by the return of peace, 
will be perceived iu the policy adopted by their different govern- 
ments. 

One measure of policy might enable us, however, to raise an im«> 
portaut revenue from this article without fear of any competition 
from foreign countries, it would without doubt, in the first instance, 
be attended with expense, but would at the same time be adding 
co the wealth of the natioa : this is, the cutting of canals from 
one navigable water to another, and so intersecting the country that 
those articles which are now loaded with a heavy land carriage, 
should find an easy water transportation, unattended with one-fifth 
part of the expense. A caual cut from Pittsburg, to communicate 
with the Chesapeake or Susquehanna, and from the Susquehanna to 
the waters of the Delaware, and from those of the Delaware to the 
Rariton, would open an inland communication from Orleans to 
Champlain, and our most northern and eastern states, by water; 
thereby affording the means of a safe and economical conveyance 
of the different products of each state to the other, and enabling us 
at Philadelphia, New-York, or New London, to receive the flour of 
the western counties of Pennsylvania, at a price which would war- 
rant the enaction of an important export duty, the revenue of which 
would iu a very few year?, on this very article, defray all the ex- 
pense of locks and canals, which this highly valuable and national 
improvement would require. (See William J. Duane ou Roads, 
Canals, &c. And Robert Fulton, in the Appendix.) 

There are various other articles, the abundant production of these 
atates, in which the same caution is not necessary, being not the 
growth of other countries, or cultivated so inconsiderably as not to 
admit of a competition ; and the ports of all Europe being thrown 
open, causes them an increased, instead of a diminishing demand. 
Cotton is one of those articles on which an export duty may belaid, 
without the fear of injuring the exporter, or causing to the cwHi- 
yator a loss. 

n 



42 

During the wars in Europe, through (lie severe, although just 
policy of France, England was almost alone the consumer of {his 
article; her jealousy against the manufacturers of France evinced 
itself invariOus ways, and the municipal decrees of France manifest- 
ed her anxiety to encourage and support her establishments in this 
article, by the most rigid exclusion, and severest penalties. 

France, as well as many, if not all the power* of Europe, will, 
on the consolidation of a peace, direct their attention to the esta- 
blishment and improvement of their cotton manufactures — Switzer- 
land, and Swabia, baxony, and the countries betweeu the Rhine 
and Eine, and Holland, particularly. Thus, instead of one mar* 
ket for this article, and it being in a measure under the jurisdiction 
of England, and in the power of a few rich capitalists, to raise or 
depress its price, and to establish its value according to their own 
interests, we shall have the markets of the European world open to 
us w-th purchasers, without fear of competition, strong enough to 
aff>ct any municipal duty the policy of our government may consi- 
der wise to adopt regarding it. Without further dilation on each 
article — the general mass of our exports being taken into view, it 
will be easy to aistinguish those which may suffer by a competition, 
from others, which, having a continual demand from foreign coun- 
tries, may, without injury to the cultivator or exporter, be made a 
source o\ easy and productive revenue to the naion, harmless in 
its operation on every class of society. In this number are tobac- 
co, flaxseed, rice, beef, pork, ginseng, quercitron, wool, and many 
other articles which will themselves manifest their importance by 
the foreign demand. 

Tliereis one important subject which calls for the attention of gov- 
ernment, this is to remedy an evil which the generous character of our 
government has led us to adopt, in confering too readily on individu- 
als, corporations, and societeis, certain privileges and charters, which 
in many instances, have been abused, and which, in most instances 
it would be politic for the government to reserve for itself. Thus 
we see seminaries and churches built by lottery, which, gloss it as 
we may, is neither more nor less, than gambling — and thus we also 
see turnpikes made the property of individuals and corporations, 
which 'often times are conducted lather as the subject of private 
speculation than of public benefit; and instead of being, as intended. 



43 

ait accommodation and comfort to the traveller) occasion him incon- 
venience and expense. 

If lotteries are considered, in some measure, harmless, and are 
sanctioned by the government ; they, as well as turnpike roads and 
cauals, might be made very important objects of reveuue ; and if 
seminaries of instruction are required in various parts of our exten- 
sive territory, goveiumeut would have the full and efficieut c.eans 
in their hands to enable it both to establish and protect them ; and 
I am decidedly of opinion, that national institutions are preferable 
in many points, to private cr individual schools; and that, while 
they offer a cheap and well appointed theatre for instruction, they 
also tend to excite the gratitude o! the student, and inspire him 
with those sentiments of patriotism and reverence for his country, 
which s 1 imulateg him to noble ambition, and surrounds her, in the 
day of clanger, with a bulwark of strength in the virtue of her 
eitizens. 

That lotteries should be applied to the building of places of pub- 
lic and divine worship, must strike the mind ot the sensible and re- 
ligious man, as a perversion of taste and sentiment, and an incor- 
rect code of morality, which does not accord with our professions, 
or even the rest of our actions. There are few nations, I believe, 
who have a juster sense of religion than the United States of Ame- 
rica ; and no people whose actions correspond more with their pro- 
fessions, both of religion and morality — without the latter the first 
cannot exist, except as a mantle of duplicity : it behoves, there- 
fore, government, as well as societies themselves, to expel from their 
ethics, a system which although it may not absolutely vitiate, is iu 
opposition to those doctrines which are inculcated from the pulpit. 
A well appointed government, where individuals are not themselves 
competeut to erect a place of worship, should always have both 
the will and the means to aid and encourage an undertaking which 
has religion for its basis. 

Turnpikes and canals should exclusively belong to government, 
and I am of opinion, rather to the general government than to the 
individual states. One system of turnpiking and locking, and that 
the most approved, would thus be adopted, and no adverse princi- 
ples of economy in one state, and profusion in another, cause au 
undue bearing ou society, or mar a work intended for a general be- 



44 

uefit; and the fee simple of the?e grand improvements being vetted 
In the nation, would form an eternal and increasing iiouual revenue, 
and would accommodate the trader or traveller from Georgia tn 
Maine* 






15 



CHAPTER IV. 

Commercial Inquiries continued — Tax on Foreign Tonnage ana 
Countervailing Duties recommended— Further reflections on Ma 
nufactures — Merino Sheep, and the Spanish breed of South Ame- 
rica — The policy of continuing the Double Duties — Articles 
which would yield a safe revenue by Duties on Export — Impost 
Taxation — The hitherto just administration of our Revenue 
Laws, and cheerful euimission of our citizens — Tax on News- 
papers, &c. . 

In order to foster the shipping interest of these states, foreign 
bottoms, both on exports and imports, should pay a considerable 
additional duty, as also a tax on tonnage, and a higher rate of pi- 
lotage. These countervailing impositions will be found not only 
politic, but imperious in the government to adopt; as otherwise we 
shall discover too soon the annual decrease of our tonnage, and 
foreign bottoms, the carriers of our own products. Metamorphosing 
too rapidly into the Chinesian system, we should, with regret, 
perceive from the natural course of interest, each nation trading 
•with us, carry away under their own flag, the articles they desired ; 
and the proud stars and stripes of our nation?, which have hitherto 
^aved prosperously and triumphantly in all regions, doomed to suf- 
fer, alas! the saddest reverse of fortune eclipsed and neglected in 
heir own.* 

* The important article of cotton pay?, at this day in England, a duty of 50 per 
sent, more in American bottoms than English; the duties we can lay on goods 
imported in British ships, although nominally countervailing, it is to be hoped for 
the prosperity of our flag on the ocean, are by no tneaua an equivalent for this 
extravagant taxation, (so tew being t!ie carriers of our importations.) Does it not 
prove the necessity of taxing the exportation of the article at a high rale, say 
three cents per pound, at home, so as to draw a revenue from the consumer abroad, 
and which, according to the legem talimis, would, however hard it might bear, be 
but justice as regards Great Britain. 

A circular letter from Liverpool, of the date of the 30th March, states— "It seems 
to be in contemplation by tbe chancellor of the exchequer, to take off the war duty 
on British ships, and leaving it to operate on those of otY.tr «*tioa?, making' a did. 




46 

Every nation possesses the right of directing, according to Its 
wisdom, its municipal concerns, encouraging its exports or imports, 
raisins; from either a revenue, or prohibiting one or both, as its in- 
terests may dictate, or the policy of thr ir states may reuder neces- 
sary. Thus Spain, and France, and England, &c. have interdict- 
ed the entry of manufactured tobacco, and various other articles. 
Thus Spain forbids ihe exportation of it and various articles from 
iter colonies, unless to the Peninsula with license. Thus England 
establishes similar practices and restraints on their commerce with 
foreign nations in her colonies, and at home, interdicting the en- 
trance of certain articles which might militate against her interest, 
by the penalty of burning; prohibiting the exportation of others, 
and giving hounMes for either entry or export, as she deems politic. 

INot wishing to see the agricultural interests of America either 
abandoned, or in any manner diminished, by the introduction or 
premature establishment of manufactures, we, nevertheless, should 
feci a sentiment of deep regret, if those enterprising men who have 
nationally introduced various articles of the first necessity generally 
imported, should be abandoned in their pursuits, at a moment they 
had reached nearest to perfection. 

It behoves us to remember that the day of peace may again be 
scon disturbed, and that those articles which were found of the first 
necessity in a day of war, may again be wanted — and wanted in 
vain. Should the history of the times declare, that those men who 
in our late exigencies, risked their capital and employed their time 

ference of two pence sterling per pound on cotton, which will amount to prohibi- 
tion by American. " 

Quoting the duties on entry, it states — cotton wool in British ship?, sixteen shil- 
lings and eleven pence per 100 pounds — in foreign ships twenty five shillings and 
six {fence — upwards of 50 per cent. 

Rice, in any bottom not from British plantations, twenty shillings and one far- 
flung per hundred From British plantations, or the East Indies, seven shillings 
eight pence and one- third 

Isthis not sufficient motive for the t'nited States to lay such countervailing duties, 
yiarticularly on the exportation of cotton, as to prevent the loss suffered by Ameri- 
can vessels ;' and should we not, in our ships, lay such a duty as would frustrate 
intentions so decidedly hostile to our tonnage, and so favourable to their own? 
With respect to rice, each nation naturally fosters their own products, or those of 
their colonies — they have a right so to do — but the supply of lice from British 
plantations and the East ladies is not so abundant as to create a competition, 
should we lay a considerable duty on the exportation of that article. 



6tce 




47 

iu pursuits so patriotic and beneficial, were all deserted by tl:e go* 
vernment, and consequently ruined by the return of peace, by tlii? 
tacit and tame, indulgence, or preference to competitors front abto;<d ; 
in such an event, is it probable there ever would be again adven- 
turers brave enough to saddle themselves and families with penury, 
should a future day demand the s!ft»e''WM* *• Besides, it should 
be considered that the encouragement of every article manufactur- 
ed by ourselves is an accumulation of national wealth; snd each ar- 
ticle we no longer import, is placing so far the balance of trade iu 
our favour ; that every dollar expended on internal industry, is like 
the sustenance of life to the human body, as food which enters into 
the general circulation, aud is au addition to the public health and 
strength. 

I' should be sorry, at this early period, to see America become' 
the complete workshop which England and Holland exhibit; bm 
at the same time, I should be more concerned to see articles of the 
first necessity, which it behoves every nation to foster and encour- 
age, iu order to consolidate her independence, abandoned and re- 
jected with apathy or indifference, aod suffered to perish, because 
a foreign natiou might be able to supply them for a few cents less 
money per yard. 

AH the cotton, hempen, and woollen goods which have lately 
been fabricated within these states, I consider among this class — 
all the productions of minerals and metals are of the same charac- 
ter; and, I am decidedly of opinion, that great care should be ta- 
ken to encourage them, by laying such duties as, while they should 
not interdict the importation of necessary foreign fabrics, should 
give a decided encouragement to the American manufacturer, and 
enable him to carry on his business in such a manner as, although 
he might not too rapidly amass inordinate wealth, he should be en- 
abled to reap equal profits with the manufacturer abroad, and be 
able to support his establishment and his family, in a manner suit- 
able to the happy condition of our country. In order also to aid 
the manufacturer of woolleus among us, considerable attention should 
be paid to the breeding of sheep, particularly those of the finest ■_ 

wool, and those of the Spanish breed, known by the name of Me- J\ 

linos. Fairs should be established in various central parts of each 
state, and bounties of considerable value should be allowed by go- 



X 



48 

moment to the finest wool and largest fletce. A duty on export £ 
tion, not amounting to prohibition, but such as to make an iniprti 
sion on the foreign purchaser, should also be laid, which duty should 
be assigned as a fund for the payment of the premiums to the care- 
ful and fortunate cultivator. Regulations similar to those of the 
Merino Society of \+Mi*h+\i\m* o\ which Mr. James Caldwell, of 
Haddonfield, New-Jersey, is presideut, should be pursued by go- 
vernment, but on a larger and more interesting scale. The intro- 
duction of this valuable breed of animals among us has been one of 
the many occurrences arising out of the distracted state of Europe, 
which America has profited by. The adventurous and patriotic 
farmer, who has embarked the largest part of hit property in this 
^^ pursuit, ought to be under the immediate care and protecting hand 
* of his government. The success or misformne of the individuals^ 
in this instauce, becomes the success or misfortune of the natiou in 
general ; and there is no country into which this valuable and pro- 
ductive race of animals have been introduced, but they have at- 
tracted the atteution and care of its rulers. And America free, and 
justly appreciated wise, will surely not bi the only nation neglect- 
ful of her interests, and the prosperity of her industrious citizens, 
particularly when it has been proved, that this gregarious race of 
animals thrive better on our soil, and in the temperature of our cli- 
mate, than on any spot in Europe, their native valleys of Spain only 
excepted; and between these and the climate and pasturage of our 
own country there appears to be little or no preference. The 
dampness and moisture of England, and the northern climates of 
Europe, is particularly injurious to these auimals; cold or heat 
bave neither of them half the prejudicial effects as constant rains or 
damps, the latter occasions diseases to sheep, and deteriorates the 
quality of the wool. During the war the stimulus to this gregariac 
industry was great, and the increase of flocks has been proportion- 
ably considerable. Among the various persons, holders of this 
breed of sheep, we cannot avoid noticing the names of a few who, 
by their spirited attention and perseverance, have acted as exam- 
ples to others, and made known the value of the breed, in opposi 
tion to envy and prejudice. 

The names of chancellor Livingston, of New-York, colonel 
Humphreys, of Connecticut, James Caldwell, of Haddonfield, Nev- 



# 40 

Jersey, Duponf and B6ud#»t), of Wilmington, Delaware, and Ben* 
jamin B. Howeli, of Philadelphia, will long } < remembered as ihe 
patrons of this patriotic and national pasturage. Like to the pa» 
triarcbs of old, their flocks have flourished and increased; and by 
the munificent hand of a fostering government, they shall spread and 
distend in the possessions of their descendants, and their rich fleeces 
shall speckle with white the green plains, the valle)s, and the 
mountain's side, of that vast continent with which the bounteous 
hand of Heaven has gifted us, and enjoins us to embellish with indus- 
try and art, so that it may yield us an abundant supply for ali our 
wants and enjoyments. 

What is to prevent us from introducing into our country the Va- 
cuua sheep, from the mountains of Peru and Quito ? The wool of 
this animal is as far superior to the Merino, as the latter is to the 
common sheep ; and the elevated regions of Louisiana, as well as 
several other parts of our country, are congenial for the procreation 
of this interesting animal. The writer has conversed with those who 
have examined, with astonishment and delight, the crude produc- 
tions of industry made out of this wool ; who have seen a shawl and 
bed covering of such exquisite texture and beauty made by those 
people out of it, as to rival in elegance some of the best perform- 
ances of the European world, and to give him an idea of the 
future importance of introducing the Vacuna breed of sheep into 
the United States. In place of this beautiful and valuable animal 
roving in a neglected state among the mountains of South Ame- 
rica, it may be made the source of indefinite future wealth to the 
agriculturist and manufacturer of our country, adding thereby a new 
mine of riches to the nation. 

Hitherto an idea has been generally disseminated, that the Va- 
cuna sheep cannot be domesticated, and Spanish writers, as well as 
the government, were interested in gifing currency to this belief. 
Independent of the fact, that there is scarcely any animal in crea- 
tion, that is not carnivorus, but what is susceptible of domestica- 
tion, the writer has the highest authority of a resident in that coun- 
try, who had ocular proof of several Vacuna rams and ewes being 
made perfectly tame, although they had been caught after ihey were 
full grown ; but he feels convinced, that if taken in a state of in- 
fancy, and bred up with the common sheep, they would speedily be 



W 



bO 



divested of their native wildness, and become the most useful race 
of animals that a beneficent deity has given to civilized mankind. 

Leaving this subject open for dilation to the pen of those better 
acquainted with it than myself, and who can better delineate the va- 
rious advantages which will be derived from measures calculated to 
produce the increase of valuable sheep, as also the cultivation of pas- 
turage in general, I proceed to inquire, whether prohibitory duties 
on either import or export are, or are not, adviseable; and also, 
iiato the policy of the coutinuance of double duties for a certain 
time. 

There are certain articles, the inherent properties of uations., 
which may be particularly adapter! either for the cultivation of the 
earth, for the preservation and nourishment of particular plants, or 
for the encouragement and prosperity of certain manufactures pe- 
culiar to the habits and industry of the people. Thus England for- 
bids the exportation of copper in certain compositions, without par- 
ticular permission, and under certain restrictions. Thus would she 
confiscate vessel and cargo that should carry from her shores a 
pound of fullers' earth.* Thus have certain of the Italian states 
forbid the exportation of the nticula of the silk worm ; the empe- 
ror of India, under penalty of death, the exportation of certain 
dyes, or the discovery of their secret combinations. I am not 
aware of any article yet discovered, inherent to the soil of America, 
that should demand a total prohibition ; but should such discovery 
at a future day occur, that by preserving the iutegral possession ol 
either a mineral or a plant, these states could maintain, without 
competition, any species of agriculture or fabric ; it would become 
politic to adopt measures calculated to secure this object, which has 
ever been considered by nations as just ; and preserving to their 
citizens and subjects a natural vein of wealth — and for this the 
constitution should provide. 

There are various articles, however, which are exported from 
America, on which a considerable revenue might be raised, and 
which would also have the effect to encourage our manufactures at 
home, and excite au emulation in industry and art. 

* This article is the product of our soil, large quantities, and of a superior qua- 
lity, being found in the neighbourhood of Wilmington, Delaware. 



SI 

Thus flaxseed, which is exported in large quantities to Great 
Britain, and particularly to Ireland, might well bear a considerable 
tax on exportation, and whicli the manufacturer in that country, 
and ultimately the consumer of liueu goods, would have to pay, 
As we have, heretofore, imported large quantises of linen fabrics, it 
might be argued that we ultimately would be the payers of this tax ; 
but it must be observed that there are many other nations besides 
ourselves, who are the consumers of linen goods. The colonies of 
Great Britain, in particular, open considerable markets for consump- 
tion, and the kingdom of Great Britain itself, requires a vast supply. 
Besides, this export tax would enable the American ra sum factum 
in flax, to vie with the fabrication in Europe, both in texture and 
colour ; and the homespun linen cloth of America, which for dura- 
bility has even now a preference, would, in the course of a very 
little time, assume a character in the eyes of ourselves and other 
countries, if not more prized, at least not inferior to that of Europe. 
What nation on the earth can excell America in advantages for 
bleaching grounds : and have we not the additional advantage of 
possessing within ourselves the ashes peculiarly adapted to the pro- 
cess of whitening ? 

As the cultivators of flax have already experienced, that owing to 
the high price of laud in Great Britain and the scarcity of it, that it 
is cheaper for them to import the seed from America, and to cut the 
flax in its most valuable state proper lor manufacture, than to per- 
mit it to ripen and seminate, (when it is only fit to be used for the 
coarser qualities of lineo,) paying even a freight for it across the At- 
lantic; and as there is no European power that can furnish it to 
them at a lower rate, vast quantities being annually consumed in 
the oil it produces ; so would they find, that with a duty exacted 
from it by the American government, that it still would be politic 
an them to continue the importation of seed in preference to raising 
it at home. The article of potash also, ought to produce a govern- 
mental revenue from similar arguments, as the northern nations of 
Europe only can furnish this article, and that never under the price 
that the American ashes can be afforded, with an additional charge 
of duty. England and France, but England particularly, is de- 
pendant on foreii-o nations for this auxiliary and very valuable ar- 
ticle m various employments,. 



52 

The policy of continuing the double duties on most articles im- 
ported from abroad, will strike very forcibly, for two reasons, on 
the miuds of our reflecting statesmen. The first, and a very im- 
perious one, is the necessity for raising sufficient revenue lor the 
year i 8 1 5, to liquidate and diminish a part of the large debt the 
United States has been obliged to contract during the late war, and 
to defray the considerable expeuses yet arising from that state, on 
the immediate return of peace. The second reason, is one of poli- 
cy and humanity, and founded on justice. Aware that there are 
certain establishments, within our country, which had their rise 
from the state of war, and which may be found, both impolitic and 
unprofitable to continue in a state of peace ; it behoves the govern- 
ment to protect capitalists so situated, and who may have a large 
stock of articles on hand, already manufactured, from the ruin and 
desolatiou which must attend them, if foreigu articles of the same 
kiud were admitted without the peieentum duty. Many of those 
arti/ans calculated, and very naturally, on the duration of hostili- 
ties; and if, at this day, an influx of articles of a similar denomina- 
tion should take place from abroad, and be allowed to undersell 
them, the value of their property would be. most probably, vitally 
injured and destroyed. It is, therefore, incumbent on the policy 
and justice of our national legislators to allow a certain necessary 
time for the disposal and consumption of articles of this nature. Al- 
though many articles of our manufacture will naturally thrive and 
vie with those from abroad, if properly encouraged by our govern- 
ment, yet there are others which it will be found prudent to aban- 
don ; aud rather continue the importation than to h;.z»rd the eu- 
terprize of competition at so early a day. Many articles of hard- 
ware, porcelain, &c. are included in this survey of our arts. Fine 
instruments of iron and steel, pins, buttons, &c. and all articles iq 
"which tin is a staple ingredient, nud also those in which the clay 
of foreign countries is superior to our own, ought not to be cultivat- 
ed by us. as the advantage would assuredly be against our compe- 
tition ; they possessing local and natural advantages, which we 
should have to pay a considerable premium to attain, and the 
American artizan would sustain loss from his industry, unless an 
absolute prohibition was laid on their importation from abroad. 

Ginseng, I believe to be an article peculiar to the soil of Ameri- 
ca and but small quantities are raised elsewhere than in the United 



States;* the general use it) China has given a value to it from whick 
advantages are to be deriwad, and some revenue to the govern* 
ment as there is little fear of, a rivaj in the trade of this article for 
some titne. From the Spanish possessions, we have not, as yet, 
a competition to look to, at least, not until the liber') of this na- 
tion has been for some } ears established. Mi.ch large quantities 
of this article might be raised with profit to the agriculturist; -<nd 
it behoves these states to draw a revenue from it« exportation, 
while the day exists that they can do so with safety. 

From this subject, I am led to inquire, whether the present in- 
ternal taxatiou is salutary ; and whether it would not be prudent and 
adviseable, as speedily as possible. 10 retrench this system on va- 
rious articles, if not entirely to abandon it. A taxation on labour 
and industry, on professions and callings in life, is, in my opinion, 
inimical to those principles of liberty which should be cherished in 
a well regulated republic. A taxation on the higher luxuries of 
life — on charriots, liveries, race horses, and such establishments as 
denote superabundant wealth, may be wholesome and beneficial; 
as the sum raised from them could never be severely felt by their 
owners, as riches alone could place them in their possession. But 
a taxation on the sweat of the brow, and on the poor artisan, whose 
wealth consists in the labour of his hands, is an expedieut which 
should be resorted to only from necessity. 

The danger and exigencies of the times, — a national calamity, 
or threatened invasion by a powerful foe ; may render this species 
of finance incumbent, to be res rted to as an auxiliary, in order to 
strengthen the hands of government and a (ford additional security 
by the increase of the national resources. But when the storm 
which ravaged her has subsided ; when the danger which menaced 
her is dissipated in the calm of peace; it strikes ttif as but politic 
and prudent, to abstain from every imposition which tends to 
shackle industry, or discourage the labouring artisan in that pur- 
suit of life, into which fortune or inclination may have drown 
him. Excise laws and internal imposts, are besides universally 

* It i' raised however, in Thibet, Khorosson, and Persia, and it- price is fluctua- 
ting ; but it is no where found in such abundance as in the United States. That, of 
Thibet is much less esteemed I do not clas"s this as an article calculated to pro- 
duce any considerable revenue; considering its demand a:id price at the only mar- 
ket it commands, as too precarious. This article is indigenous to South, as well 
as North America , 



54 

hateful to the citizens and subjects of all nations; it bears with it, a 
species of slavish submission, and places power and consequence 
into the hands of a numerous body of petty officers; too frequently 
inclined to exert it with inflexible rigidity, and to deny that lenity 
and compassion, which the laws of nations should extend to the 
sufferings of their subjects. The property of an individual may 
be jeopardized, and even his future success in life be obscured by 
the rapacity and unfeeling heart of an official tax-gatherer. 

In England, where i his species of taxation is more general than in 
any other p^rt of Europe, and where the government has long re- 
sorted to this exaction on her subjects in order to meet its wants and 
supply those inordinate expenses which her civil list, her sinecures 
and all the abusrs of bt r complex and artificial system demand ; 
ihese officers are beheld with the greatest abhor, ence and consider- 
ed as leeches of the state, who suck without feeling or remorse, the 
blood of the poorest plebeian, even more voraciously than that of the 
titled son of exhaustless wealth. The most crying distresses of the 
people of England are raised against these legalized vultures and 
the most alarming indignation has been caused by the effects of this 
municipal tyranny. It vexes and galls the indigent and iudustrious 
trader, whose paltry capital, the product of diurnal labour and the 
most pinching economy, is more narrowly watched than the ware- 
houses and vaults of his princely and powerful neighbour, who, from 
the possession of ahundance has the power of blinding the eyes of 
these harpjes of the law, and giving in their own estimate, as their 
interest, and not their consciences, may dictate; a natural conse- 
quence of this method of taxation is, the demoralizing principles 
iit excites, and the petty arts and frauds it encourages, to elude the 
vigilance of the domestic spy, in bosoms which otherwise would 
Dot harbour a guihy or disgraceful sentiment. 

The scanty profits of the industrious million, are earned with so 
much auxiety and toil, that they find them, without any reduction 
but barely sufficient to meet (hose wants, which " nature is heir to ;'' 
and this state of poverty, truly depressing, inclines them to veil, if 
possible, their traffic and concerns, in such a manner, as to delude 
the prying and vigilant eye of these Janisaries of justice ; while 
the opulent vender, whose warehouses and vaults are groaning with 
his wealth, is prompted by motives more sinister and avaricious^ 



55 

and Jess excusable— to enter the same lists of deception ; and'who. 
possessing w ith the will, the means of surer success, plays his game 
with less danger aud more certain profit. 

All exactious which strike the subject or citizen, as tyrannical 
or unjust, inclines him to discontent and violation of the laws. 
When taxation is light, smuggling is never resorted to; and on the 
contrary, when it is grievous and imposing, this species of national 
fraud, becomes a perfect system, aud is pursued as a livelihood 
without remorse, and scarcely a consciousness of guilt. 

America has hitherto demonstrated to^ncient Europe in her sys- 
tem of government the predomiuauce of virtue over vice — of the 
dictates of conscience over that of interest. A smuggler or de- 
frauder of the revenue of the nation has been considered among us 
almost as a political murderer, and lus punishment by society ou 
detection was even greater than the law itself inflicted ; so few 
however, have been the instances among us during the time of peace, 
and while commerce was maintained with every nation in the globe, 
that it would be difficult to cite them. Outlawry and disgrace was 
however their portion, from the universal voice of their fellow citi- 
zens. 

During the late dispute with England, and the interdiction of 
either imports or exports with that nation and her colonies ; some 
few venal wretches were found, even ready to sacrifice national ho- 
nour, and their integrity of name and character, at the altar of dis- 
honest wealth ; prostituting at the shrine of Plutus, those moral ob- 
ligations which had hitherto been viewed in Europe, as the brilliant 
of transatlantic virtue. The officers of our revenue, as scrupulous 
of their integrity as the merchant, from the director of the customs 
to the tide waiter, had never sullied their palms or consciences by a 
bribe. Is there that immaculate under officer, or searcher, in En- 
gland, (I might in generals, say Europe) who could, being an officer 
a twelvemonth, assert the same? 

I should be sorry to witness the introduction of a species of 
venality aud corruption, hitherto held in detestation in the mora! 
code of our nation, from the pressure of any municipal regulations: 
which, from their severity, their unequal bearings, or any other 
cause, should operate upon the hitherto unblemished citizen, to 
resort to deception, or by an artful and insidious interpretation of 



5G 

the tetter, elude the spirit and intention of the law. An evil or 
vice once introduced irtio society, is difficult to be forgotten or ex- 
pelled. Virtue, v. h!ch may be comprised in the words, integrity 
<j; I forbearance, is of such pure water, that to receive a stain, is to 
foi< • sul'j it. Corrupt ideas once introduced into the pale of hi- 
th ■•'•-■ honesty, is apt to sap and destroy even the noblest 

pfinc ple£ It is, therefore, that we should avoid the introduction, 
and w ful prec nut ion, arrest the continuance of such hard 

taxa .:. should induce the dealer, the mechanic, or the mer- 

chant, or the inferior orders of society, to forfeit their integrity in 
order to evade the evii which memoes them ; or from more corrupt 
motives, enjoy an advantage by their dexterity and art, which their 
honest neigl ' o( oi competitor in business, would not participate. 

Various branches of industry, by the late acts of Congress, lay- 
ing internal duties, are burihened by taxation; some of them are 
arlicies of the first necessity, others of luxury. The cordwainer, 
the hatter, the saddler, (see the law) the tobacconist, &c. &c. are 
all obliged to pay certain duties on' articles manufactured by them, 
above a certain value, while other trades exempted. Now al- 
though I should be sorry to be the a ■ v introduce a system of 
frand and misconstruction of the letter oi this law, in order to 
evade its intention, yet I must say, that the virtue cf even this 
nation, is not strong enough to avoid availing itself of the means of- 
fered to elude a tax which is hateful, (by the common method of 
" whipping the devil round the stump") The manufacturer of 
each of those articles, instead of keeping a regular account of sales, 
ami placing his items in his book, as disposed of; will, as it were, 
sink the manufacturer in his own person, and make his foreman his 
representative. The hatter therefore who is to pa) a tax on all hats 
above two dollars in value, will, upon the manufacture of a cer- 
tain number of hats of that, quality which are usually rei ailed at 
live or six dollars, make a purchase from his foreman of all the 
stock on hand. The foreman, by a calculation of what the article 
actually costs, will discover that he can aff rd !o sell it at two dol- 
lars, or a trifle above it. ; the 20 percent, will therefore be paid on 
this sum, if paid on any sum; (for hats ol two dollars' value are not 
taxed ;) instead of its beiug paid on six dollars, the price which the 
hat will cost to the head that wears it ; lor the hat manufacturer 



57 

will have changed his profession, to the wholesale and retail deale, 
in the article. The shoemaker, saddler, tobacconist, and all other 
branches of mechanics, who are taxed, will follow the same prin- 
ciple; if one does, all will do it. It will be considered no breach 
of morality ; or if even so considered, the general usage will be a 
salvo to their consciences; for the man too scrupulously honest to 
stoop to this chicanery, must abandon his business, as he will pay 
20 per cent more than his neighbour for bis commodities, which 
would eventuate in ruin, as he could be undersold by every other 
man in the market. 

In this manner will the first steps at defrauding the revenue be in- 
troduced in a nation hitherto rigidly scrupulous, in their exact 
compliance with the laws of taxation : and this national demoral- 
ization is to be feared, from the effect it may produce hereafter, 
and the tendency it may have to weau the affections of the citizen 
from his government, and from those moral obligations he has hi- 
therto considered so sacred. 

Taxation on spirituous and fermented liquors may be considered 
as a wholesome regulation. The tax on whiskey, although it tails 
on the consumer, does not yet fall so heavy as to prohibit his drink- 
ing quite as much, or even more than may do him good. A tax 
liouever, which would lay a mild and admonitory restriction on the 
abuse of this article, cannot reasonably be objected to; and the 
inward duties on foreign spirits, should be so arranged as to justify 
it. All high priced imported liquors, are fair subjects for taxation; 
it is one seldom felt by those who pay it. and from which want and 
industrious poverty are ever exempts. It would be the criterion of 
wisdom and virtue in our government, so to organise taxation, that 
its burthens should bear the lightest on that class of society who 
can feel them most ; and by judicious selections of articles of export 
and import, capable of producing a revenue from imposts on them, 
avert from the poor, a yoke which would be unfelt by the rich ; 
and by reaping a benefit from the consumer abroad; remove the 
aecessity of imposing or continuing taxations, which are felt solely 
by our own citizens. The taxation on household furniture will, in 
its operations, adduce the strongest arguments for its discontinu- 
ance ; as although a small and precarious sum may be raised from 

8 



58 

it, it will uot be sufficient to defray the expense of the officers em- 
plowed in assessing and collecting it. 

The i ax upon printers of newspapers is oppressive, and falls 
with severe effect on a calling and class of the community, who 
are general!) speaking, litth able to bear a deduction from their 
slender incomes. The wisdom and virtue of our government, will not 
sauction a law, which carries undue oppression on any part of society 
and particularly on one which is the great medium of disseminating 
information and useful knowledge to 'he most remote and divi- 
ded districts of this vast comment ; and which has tended more 
than any o'ber, to enlighten the general mass of its citizens, and 
to make those improvements and discoveries, with which the world 
has been enriched, particularly of late years, a general property, 
which diffused its benefits in a distended circle ; and has given 
each individual a facility of acquiring important facts, which with- 
out them, would have demanded much labour to have attained, and 
which he might never have surmounted. A free press has long 
been considered u The Palladium of Civil Liberty" and no nation 
ever enjoyed it to a greater extent than these United States. 

The iucreased taxation on goods, sold by public auc'ion, is also a 
subject which calls for consideration, as although it may produce 
an additional revenue, it. nevertheless, has an undue bearing. Iu 
every other instance of taxation at home, it is the consumer that 
eventually pays the tax, for if a double duty be laid on sugar, cof- 
fee, or other article, the importer charges it to the grocer, and the 
grocer to the person who buys it for consumption. But in this in- 
Stance, it is the importer or seller who pays the tax, and not the 
buyer. It falls very heavy also on those who, possessing an article, 
which, fiom various causes may be of dull sale, and who pressed for 
means are obliged to dispose of it at auction, as they not only suf- 
fer the sacrifice of a reduced price, but have that price still more 
reduced by this duty to government. And it will not be denied, 
that, generally speaking, i. is such persons who most frequently re- 
sort to this method of disposing of their goods, 



59 



CHAPTER V. 

Reflections on the return of Napoleon to the throne of Frances 
Considerations as regards Hostilities on the Continent. — The in- 
terests of England to maintain a Continental War. — Political 
considerations of the government of England, her system of Com- 
mercial Monopoly, &c— Surmise on the ResuU of Hostilities, 
should they take place.— The interest of America to remain aloof 
from the contest, &c. — Conclusion. 

A vast field for inquiry here presents itself; one which, while it 
arrests the attention of all the potentates of Europe is not less in- 
teresting to the imagination of the American reader; inasmuch as 
it may materially affect the future pursuits and interests of this 
nation, by the results which may eventuate from it on the con- 
tinent of Europe; I mean the return of Napoleon to the sceptre of 
France. 

This extraordinary event produced in so extraordinary a man- 
aer, and as far as we are yet informed, unattended with the shed- 
ding of a single drop of blood, is a trait in the annals of present 
history, which will stagger the credibility of succeeding generations ; 
and indeed is of that miraculous character, which even puzzles the 
imagination of living witnesses of the fact, to arrange under the de- 
nomination of natural events. The former exploits performed by 
this surprising mortal, who for twenty years seemed to have chain- 
ed victory to his car, and to conquer and overthrow all obstacles 
and all opponents hs by the act of volition ; although they partake of 
that degree of grandeur which throws a blaze of glory on the his- 
tory which traces his career, are yet of that natural character^ 
which although nevr excelled, present to the imagination events 
of a similar stamp, in perusing the histories of other nations, and in 
tracing the steps of a Philip and an Alexander or of a Caesar and 
a Hannibal ; but there is no parallel, no analogous eveut in history, 



00 

which reiates that a soldier of fortune, an usurper besides, of & 
throne, and clothed moreover with an imperial purple of his own 
creation, who after banishment and defeat, should iti teu short 
months return unopposed to his capital and kingdom ; invading a 
vast territory with a (e.v/ hundred followers, marchiug upwards of 
two hundred leagues without a solitary sword to oppose his pro- 
gress, and banishing iti turn the legitimate sovereign of the nation, 
whom his invading conquerors had seated on the throne surrounded 
with regal spendour. 

There is throughout the whole of this transaction so much of the 
marvellous, that was a similar story wound up in the Arabian Tales or 
other Eastern Romance, the imagination of the reader might be plea- 
sed with its fanciful arrangement, and perhaps place it foremost in 
the rank of wonders, talismans, genii, and enchantments. A Coriola- 
nus was banished from Rome for his unbending and haughty temp- 
er, after having clothed his nation with glory, by lis too severe 
and ungrateful countrymen : in his resentment he directed his 
arms and vengeance against her, and employed her enemy in his 
cause. But he entered not her portals in triumph, and even had he 
sacked her capital there would have been no analogy in the two 
events. In the one case was a general employing a powerful army 
against his native, although ungrateful country; in the other a 
banished emperor returning without an army to reclaim his throne ; 
and whether the voice of the military, or the general voice of the 
nation recalled him, there is, notwithstanding, that mystery and 
miracle, in every feature of this unique performance, which calls 
forth sentiments of the profoundest admiration, and even claims the 
astouishment, if not the applause of his implacable enemies. 

I mean not, however, to be his panegyrist. My intentions m 
treating on this subject, are directed toother objects ; yet, without 
offence to any reader, I hope I may be allowed the priviledge of 
expressing my admiration of the talents of this surprising man. A* 
to entering the lists, to extoll him as a virtuous lawgiver ; as de- 
voted to the glory and happiness of France ; or to deprecate him for 
his mad ambition, his cruelty, or his tyranies ; I have no desire ; 
and I consider that writer whatever may be his own opinion of 
Mm, or his career, who would, at this day, force that opinion upon 



61 



die world against its consent, as being the only creed deserving cre- 
tin, arrogating (o himself much more wisdom and importance thai* 
he has any title to. It is posterity alone who can form a correct 
judgment of his merits or demerits, his virtues or his infamy, his 
greatness or his weakness; by the touclistone of his actions will he 
be tried by the future historian, and mankind will judge of him 
not as he appears to be, but as he really has been. IVo man's his- 
tory is known until after death. The events which are passing be- 
fore our eyes, have not yet been completed^ Various circumstances 
which appear as realities, are but shadows, and many that we adopt 
as truths, are but semblances or falsehoods. Many are the men, 
who while living, were thought to be pious; who, when dead, have 
been discovered hypocrites. Many also who have excited pity and 
compassion by their sufferings, have been found to have been un- 
worthy of it, or not to have suffered at all ; aud mauy others who 
have had the execration of their cotemporaries, have been disco- 
vered to have been martyrs by posterity. The saint has proved a 
sinner, aud the sinner saint, when exhibited before the unprejudiced 
ordeal of after times. How mauy tyrants, surrounded with pomp 
and splendor, have received the sycophantic adulation of their 
subjects ? How many good kings, from the intrigues and corrup- 
tion of neighbouring and ambitious nations, have been obliged to 
lead their subjects to the slaughter, deluge the laud with blood, and 
drown it in tears, or people it with orphans tnd with widows, whose 
prayers have been offered up to heaven against them. Viewing 
man as he exists, we oftentimes are led astray ; how much more so 
then are we liable, when that mau is a mighty monarch. Without 
further pursuing this digression, we leave Napoleon and his tri- 
umphs, aud his defeats, his virtues or his vices, to that historian of 
posterity who with facts before him — will " nothing extenuate ov 
set down ought in malice." 

The return of this extraordinary man to be the ruler of France; 
be he good or bad, virtuously or viciously inclined, of which there 
are various seutimeuts, is pregnant, however, with momentous events, 
and exhibits, at the same time, a singularity in history which no 
anterior time has furnished. The question, whether the military 
of France, or the voice of the French nation, which may be under- 
stood as the plurality of voices, have called him fr*m his retreat, 



(32 

Is not necessary to discuss. Speculation alone could guide us in a 
determination ; but to assert, that there was not a great enthusiasm 
-II a vast portion of the people of France, for his return, would be 
an absurdity ; in as much as to say, that the whole nation, men, 
women, and children were paralized, or under the iriflueuce of en- 
chantment for twenty-two days, which it took him to march from 
Frejus to Paris, and enter it triumphantly. 

There has been an idea started, which, if it have any foundation 
whatever, is the greatest novelty which ever occurred in the history 
of any time past. And if the present have given it birth, the future, 
I am convinced, will record it, and preserve it as a curiosity far ex- 
ceeding the seven wonders of the world combined. This is neither 
more or less, than that the government of Great Britain has been 
accessary to the escape of Napoleon from Elba, and to his return 
to the throne of France. I must say, that this hypothesis is too sin- 
gular a one for any argument or for my belief. And I should not 
have ventured even to have mentioned it here, but for the manner 
the Times Paper, a governmental paper, takes to exculpate the 
ministry of England, and particularly colonel Campbell, who was 
placed as his companion at Elba, for his escape, and this, before any 
accusation had been made, or any reflection cast upon them in any 
public print. If Great Britain, or rather the present dynasty of 
that nation, discovered they could not exist without a war; and that 
a continental war would even be less expensive and less injurious 
to them, than a continuance of hostilities with America, this may 
at once account for the haity conclusion of peace with these states; 
and there was no surer way offered than to place Napoleon again 
on the throne. If Great Britain could have played so adroitly this 
game, which ought to have some name more emphatic than a 
ruse de guerre, she certainly has outwitted the allies, and even her 
own subjects in a style that bears no competition, and which, should 
it so prove, will deserve a niche on the loftiest pillar of political ro- 
mance. 

The subject, however, of most importance for our consideration 
and that of the world, is what effect is likely to be produced by the 
return of this surprising mortal on the political arena — whether the 
mighty armies, which it is stated, are arraying themsHvt s against 
hint, will come in collision with those of France, and whether the 



03 

momentary repose which Europe has enjoyed, is like to that calm 
which oftentimes is the foreboding s) mpiom of dissolution; and that 
this ephe moral |)eace is to be succeeded by those appalling convul- 
sions which shall again shake Europe to her centre, and make fu- 
ture historians tremble as they dictate the faithful page to posteri- 
ty ; or, whether at that awful moment, when opposing armies are if) 
the mightiness of their strength, arraigned lront to front, and ready 
to throw that thunderbolt of war, which ignorant of all but its dire- 
ful commencement, leaves its termination to accident and fate : — 
Whether, at this moment, the angel of mercy bearing the olive 
branch of peace, may not descend, and dictating bounds to ambi- 
tion, and justice to princes, fiud fitter and fairer scabbards for the 
unsheathed sword, than the bosoms of mortality ? These are ques- 
tions indeed of interesting import. That the latter may be the re- 
sult, humanity might offer up her prayers with devotion and re- 
ceive commendation in the sight of Heaven, but whether one or 
other of these events will happen, is at this moment so hid in obscu- 
rity, that to offer even a surmise on the subject, is bordering o& 
presumption, and merits an apology. 

When on one side, I view Europe and the decisions of the con- 
gress of Vienna, as far as they have been made known to us ; — when 
I view the spirit of partition in the bosom of priuces who disclaim- 
ed it — and the principle of power, establishing right, together 
with larger armies on foot, than its monarchs ever before embattled ; 
I am led to adopt the opinion that there yet remains fuel to light 
up wars, whose flames an half a century might not quench. On 
the other hand, when I view desolated Europe, sick with disaster, 
wasted and impoverished by the continual sacrifice of blood and 
treasure ; — her fields, which in former days, were luxuriantly rich, 
with all the bounties of a beneficent Deity, abandoned and desert- 
cd : — the mournful peasant bewailing, in his old age, his props, his 
comforters and support ; and his grand children cliugiug to his 
knees, unprotected orphans — Gracious Heaven ! do I exclaim, — 
merciful and just protector of this sphere, are these deeds necessary ? 
Are they permitted and sanctioned by thy inscrutable wisdom ? Is 
the ambition, the animosity, or the passions of kings and emperors, 
and their counsellors, to be visited upon their subjects, by these ex- 
Crutiatipg and exterminating miseries ? Is there yet oo end ap- 



64 

pro&ehiiig to these scenes of slaughter ?— or, 33 the sultry summer'* 
day, when the mighty storm approaches, — when the Heaven's are 
overcast, and that bolt, which rives the " knotted oak," is launch- 
ed from the canopy above, aud the winds descend, destroying all 
(hat feverish vapour which nature sickened at ; even so are all the 
impurities of vicious courts to be blotted out but by the extinction 
of their subjects? Is the catalogue of their crimes so black, to call 
down such vengeance ? Or will not conscience, that arbiter in the 
breasts of monarchs as of men, at length decide the dreadful con* 
flict ; and upon a basis of moral justice and mutual right, consoli- 
date the world in peace ? 

I ask pardon of my reader for the hyperbole my warmth and 
feelings have excited. I should have calmly viewed this subject 
in a political manner, and I find myself invoking Heaveo. Such 
however may have been the feelings of wiser and better men, and 
as such although reprehensible in these pages, I forbear its erasure. 
I am aware that there are man> who, more perhaps from want of 
reflection and consideration, than from any other cause, will place 
all the disaster and blood which may flow, at the door of him, who 
.England has termed the distroyer of the human race ; — I mean Na- 
poleon; that his return and the events which may grow out of it* 
particularly the renewal of hostilities, should they take place, will all 
be the emanations of his mad ambition ; — I have already said I am 
not here as the panegyrist of this man, hut I trust I may declare 
my sentiments on this subject without offeuce. 

His return to Fiance, will be admitted, was not the work of en- 
chantment ; he must have had a large portion of France in his favour, 
and this must have been made known to him; — -whether it were the 
military or the majority of the nation, is in my present view of this 
question, a matter of little importance. The force that abetted him 
or invited his entry into France was sufficient to protect him, and 
put down all opposition, and to seat him safely on his throne at 
Paris, without the slaughter of a single soul ; of whatever this power 
consisted, it was nevertheless the strongest and most, imposing pow- 
er in France ; and that it was inimical to the reign of the Bour- 
bons is evident from its acts. Had Napoleon then have refused to 
accede to its wishes iu recalling him to his imperial purple, would 
that have annihilated a sentiment so imposing, so general, so exten- 



65 

slve? would it have altered the feeling; towards the Bourbons? or 
would it not rather have excited to revolt, to the election of another 
chief — to another revolution — and most probably to scenes of civil 
war and indiscriminate slaughter ? Among all the generals of Bona- 
parte, none colud have been exalted, however great his merit, but 
jealousy wou'd have had an open field ; none could have assumed 
his honour without exciting enmity ; and leagues and parties would 
have been formed for rival candidates ; his appearance put all 
these feuds to rest. By the voice of the s'rongest power of France 
he was undoubtedly recalled to the throne, and he has solemnly re- 
nounced his intention of extending France beyond her limits. The 
monarchs of Europe cannot certainly pretend to dictate a ruler for 
thirty millions of souls which France contains, or to the s'ronger 
power of the thirty millions ; on this head therefore, they have no 
grounds for war : if they dispute or disbelieve the intentions of 
Bonaparte, a strong and powerful army to protect their barriers, 
and a combination to that effect, should he mean false, is all that 
prudence or justice calls tor; but should they invade France, de- 
termined to crush this Chief and support the Bouiboris in spite of 
the declared will of the strongest powers of that nation, is not 
rhe scene of desolation which may eusue rather to be laid at their 
doors than at the door of Napoleon ? If France be invaded, impe- 
rious duty calls him to defend it ; unthrealened or uninvaded, 
should he strike the blow, no one will venture to exculpate hirxj 
•r defend him from the judgment that may theu with justice be 
alleged against him. 

If I am permitted to offer an opinioD on this novel scene which 
at this moment to deeply interests the world, it is, that there will 
either be no bloodshed in this business, and that all the powers will 
again meet in a general congress, in which Bonaparte will be ac- 
knowledged and make one, or that the campaign will be a sanguin* 
ary and a short one, and perhaps, die last that will for many years 
to come, be fought on the European continent* 

I am inclined rather to the latter opinion, and that the blow will 
be struck. I am induced to this belief from the great exertions 
England is apparently making, and the troops she is sending to the 
continent. The interest of England stimulates iter to rekiudle, jf 



66 

possible, a renewal of hostilities ou the continent; and she will un- 
doubtedly endeavour to keep it alive as long as possible. When I 
say the interest of England, I view it only in a political light, as 
regards the present hour. A renewal of hostilities, will, without 
doubt, increase the taxes and impositions of Great Britain as well 
as her national debt, in order to maintain the war; and this viewed 
in one light cannot be considered as her interest. To lessen them 
all, would appear, according to reason, to be much more so. But 
a war on the continent establishes her monopoly ; and as she has 
refined so long upon that system of supplying all the world with her 
fabricks, and making her ports the general market of mankind, in 
order to maintain unrivalled that system; no augmentation of the 
national debt, no increase of popular burthens, to whatever amount 
they may extend, have any consideration, compared to the princi- 
ple of genera' monopoly. This sentiment has become so prepon- 
derating in the minds of the rulers of that nation, it has become so 
iuterwoveu in all her constitutional acts and decrees; has become, 
indeed, so much the master spirit, which guides and directs her 
helm of state, that before it all other considerations bend ; and 
however stupendous they may appear to the eyes of surroundiog 
mortals, they are minor subjects and unworthy of a thought, to the 
machiavelian policy which rules the destiny of this insulated des- 
potism. 

Ten months of peace, has again proved to the ministers of that 
nation, as did the peace of Amiens, that it has more danger in it 
thau an eternal war. Peace to be sure, she has not enjoyed; for the 
war we have lately emerged from, was of deeper consequences to her 
than she had calculated ou. It was intended no doubt to have 
been maintained as an episode, or interlude, to the great drama of 
the continent ; but it has eventuated with some tragic scenery, 
\vh«ch was foreign to both the tempei and inclinations of the " Mis- 
tress of the Ocean" 

It was, however, the ten months peace of the continent, which 

had he most threatening and portentous aspect in the affairs of En - 
gland. The genius of man is generally die same in every clime and 
country. A stlfi-h motive prevails even with the most liberal:— 
Thus we find, that the moment a continental peace was con- 
cluded ; people ol all description-— 'the man of moderate income 



67 

— the one of rather depressed circumstances — the nobles of irreaj 
and magnificent fortunes — all flocked, as bj general consent, even 
to that clime, which from the prejudice of centuries, they had beeu 
taught to detest; aud which, from difference of habits and lan- 
guage, was uncongenial to their tempers; merely because they 
could live and enjoy themselves at a cheaper rate, and escape Irom 
the exactions and taxation of their own government. Not only 
France, but the continent of Europe, swarmed wilh emigration from 
Eugland ; and a sentiment was fast awakening in the bosoms of the 
nation, that to expatriate themselves was to better their fortunes. 
There were, however, a portion of the community who could not 
putthis in practice. The poor and needy dependant of diurnal pro- 
fits — the artisan — the trafficker — the merchant, ayd particularly 
those who received a scanty subsistence from daily labour, seemed 
to be excluded from this enjoyment of deserting their soil. And 
on them was to fall heavy the burthen of supporting the government 
under which they lived. A government oppressed tenfold in propor- 
tion to any other in Europe, as regards the exactions on its subjects. 
It had arrived at this crisis, when the enaction of the corn Jaws, which 
forbid the importation of grain under such a price, awakened a feel- 
ins: in the bosom? of wretchedness, which threatened the most despe« 
rate results ; thrse laws, were indeed, neither more or less, than for- 
bidding those Englishmen who remained at home, from eating bread 
at the reduced price ; which their more favoured countrymen who 
sought the neighbouring soil of the continent, enjoyed. They were, 
however, imperious laws, and founded on the first necessity. The 
landed interest, of the nation, was laid prostrate if they were not en- 
acted. It was the first step to national aud universal ruin. When 
the landed interest of a nation is suffered to sink, all classes follow 
with it. And although the landed interest of England is small, com- 
parative to her manufacturing interest, yet they are so dependant, 
that the same vortex which ingulphedone, would destroy the other. 
With the national domain, or landed interest, exists als > the nation- 
al debt ; and widiout the support of this iuterest, by these severe 
laws, a national bankruptcy threatened to eosue. Whatever dan- 
ger was menaced therefore, from the populace ; the case was ur- 
gent, wa* indispensable and imperious; and there was no other 
means offered to 6ave the nation. 



58 

A continental war, would at once put at rest this question ; which, 
although maintained by the government of England, was carried at 
the risk of a civil insurrection; was enforced at the point of the bay- 
onet } and was attended with many appalling features. It was, how- 
ever, maintained ; and the opposition of the populace of London, 
was routed and dispersed. But who could say that opposition was 
destroyed ? The same sentiments pervaded the minds of the suffer- 
ing multitude ; and might or may again he awakened and stimula- 
ted to future riots, of more alarming and eventful character. As 
long as peace exists with France and the continent, so long must 
these obDoxious and u .popular laws remain in force; a war renders 
their enaction or continuance as unnecessary ; and although the shi- 
vering sons of wretchedness and despair, will be in such case, no bet- 
ter ofTthan at present, (and perhaps worse,) yet the bitter and cruel 
ordonnance of their resentment, will become as a dead letter; and 
although it may live in their remembrance, it will not remain as an 
existing statute of their lancour. 

It is from these, and other considerations, (hat I adopt the senti- 
ment that England will industriously endeavour to foment a j al- 
ousy on the continent against France, and to enter into the war 
herself, with any power that will jo ; n her ; and indeed, rather than 
fail in this object, I slioul ! even consider it, as an event, by no 
means surprising, that she would make an alliance with France, 
even against the other continental powers thereby evincing at once 
to 'he world, the justice of princes, iiie faith of treaties, and the con- 
siderations which bind allied monarchs in the present epoch of po- 
litical stiife. 

However contradictory to the tenets of many of my readers, 
however opposite to their sentiments or feelings, I consider it as a 
duty which I owe myself, whilst treating on this subject, to declare 
that I am impressed with the conviction, that the dynasty of Eng- 
land is drawing rapidly to a close, and that, before many revolving 
months shall furnish matter for the pen of the steady historian, an 
event of this most important character is about to present itself for 
record; — I mean the downfall of a government, of that government 
■which has, for many centuries held and maintained the most impo- 
sing at'irude amongst the nations of the earth; and which has ex- 
ercised and administered its sovereignty by the brightest examples 



w 

i4 virtue in theory, and by the blackest enormities of vice in prac-. 
tice ; which lias shown resplendent with the most brilliant deeds of 
chivalric valour ; which has been ornamented by the most splendid 
trophies of glory and patriotism ; which has justly boasted of her im- 
mortal sons of literature; and has been truly the liberal patron of 
every art and science ; bin has sullied her fame by the most atrocious 
intrigues of cabinets ; has been the giant of despot ism in the four quar- 
ters of the globe — has visited, with unrelenting hand, her massacres 
from Asia to America — has vainly endeavoured to concentrate in 
herself the wealth of all humanity — and bou) ing herself up by a 
system founded upon the most fallacious principles — " that there is 
no etui to national credit, and national monopoly; has, to maintain 
it, been as (he fabled Pelops to her children, offering them up as a 
ready sacrifice to ministerial ambition — has deluged the groaning 
earth with blood, and invited th> wrath of Heaven to chastise her. 
That the hour, the portentous hour, when this mighty nation of 
Britain is to suffer in the throes of revolution, is fast approaching, I 
am ready to hazatd as an assertion, and ready also to qnalify it by- 
saying, that although I shall regret the enormities and the 
sanguinary horrors which may flow from it, and which are the ge- 
neral features of revolutions ; yet, as an event that deeply interests 
the future happiuessof mankind, I ^hall rejoice at it ; as by levelling 
that enormous mountain of HtR national debt, which poets might 
distinguish by piling Ossa upon Pelion, it will give to the civilized 
world a just and true balance, which, as long as its ficticious and 
pernicious power exists, can never be accomplished. England 
herself will then become a uation interesting to all others ; — 
emancipated from a bondage beyond comparison, she will inter- 
nally possess more physical strength and powers, than she has done 
for ages. And although she has for the last century, in some mea- 
sure ruled the destiny of nations, she will have a noble object in view, 
that of ruling justly her own destiny, and making mortality with- 
in her happy,; and while conscious of its real blessings, grateful for 
the mercy of a benevolent creator : subjects at present almost lost 
in the remembrance of her local population. 

I have stiled this imperfect Pamphlet the Second Crisis of 
America. Should the event T above a'lude to, *ake place in our 
■day, and I am inclined to believe that short lived men will live to 



99 

sec it, the present epoch might well be called the Second Cris-u 
of the world; for since the mighty flood which swept iio>n tiie face 
of earth its records, never has there been ooe so important and so 
eventful as this would be to the children of humanity. 

I draw to the conclusion— we are now, thank Heaven, in the 
enjoyment of peace after an arduous and glorious struggle with a 
nation that dictates even laws to Europe — all that remains of wa* 
is an insolent barbarian on the shores of Africa who has invited 
the rod of our resentment. My fellow citizens, will I am convinced, 
agree with me in one point, if in no other, which those pages contain; 
which is, that at this day of general confusion, where all is unsettled 
and doubtful — and where reason itself proves but speculation; that 
the wisest policy is to stand aloof — from foreign influence or foreign 
prejudice; pursuing the paternal advice of our ever to be rever- 
ed Washington — "Friendship with all nations, entangled alliances 
with not)e , '' — and also cherishing such systems of nternal policy as 
will make us what we term ourselves — Independent States — 
independent of all the nations of the earth, wheu the day of danger 
may render it necessary. 



APPENDIX. 



I introduce, without any apology, the following remarks ot 
my fellow citizf .u, Mr. William J. Duaue, of Philadelphia, toge* 
ther with a letter from that great and deeply to be lamented cha- 
racter, Mr. Fulton; who has, by the researches of his penetra- 
ting mind, so adorned philosophy, and whose early departure from 
this world, is a loss to mankind in general. 

We recommend those of our readers, who have not yet seen this 
work of Mr. Duane, to possess themselves of it; it was published 
in Philadelphia, in letters, in the year 1810, and possesses great 
merit. Mr. Duane thus speaks of Canals:— 

** Of the peculiar benefits of canals, in preference to roads, much 
may be said ; I shall not, however, be very diffuse ou the subject. 
Canals are important to the farmer and landholder, because they 
enhance the value of the lauds, woods, coals, iron and other mines, 
to the extent of at least forty miles on each side of the country 
through which they pass ; because they enable the farmer to carry 
his produce to market, and to return in his boat loaded with goods 
or manure, at an expense twenty times less than by roads, and 
because all that is thus saved is actual profit; ihey are important 
to him, besides, in case he should want either to drain his lands or 
to irrigate them ; and they also enable him to employ his horses or 
oxen entirely upon his farm, and uot on the road. 

Canals are important to the manufacturers, because they enable 
them to collect and transport the raw materials and fuel that are 
wanted; to convey the goods manufactured, at so cheap a rate as 
to admit their selling their productions at a much cheaper price 
than similar goods could be imported for. 

Canals are important to the miner, because they enable him to 
convey to market such heavy or bulky articles as would not bear 
the cost of lapd transportation 



73 

Canals are important to merchants on the sea coast and in th£ 
Interior, by affording a certain and cheap conveyance for goods or 
articles imported by the former, and for the produce returned by 
the latter ; but they are still more important by opening a trade be- 
tween all parts of our immense continent, which must at no distant 
day, rival, if not entirely supercede a large foreign trade. 

Canals in winter may answer, as in Holland and Flanders, all the 
purposes of the best constructed roads — they are thus used, in those 
countries, by means of sleighs, as much as they are by means of 
boats in summer. 

Canals, including the towing path, do not occupy more ground 
than our turnpike roads ; a canal forty feet wide and a mile long 
would occupy but five acres of ground. 

An able English writer upon iulaud navigation, Mr. John Phil- 
lips, makes these impressive remarks.—" All canals may be con- 
sidered as so many roads of a certain kind, on which one horse 
will draw as much as thirty horses on ordinary turnpike roads, or 
en which one man alone will transport as much as three men and 
eighteen horses usually do on common roads. The public would 
be great gainers, were they to lay out upon making every mile of 
canal twenty times as much as they expend upon a mile of turnpike 
road ; but a mile of canal is often made at a less expeuse than a 
mile of turnpike. Were we to make the supposition of two states* 
the one having all its cities, towns and villages upon navigable riv- 
ers and canals, having an easy communication with each other j 
the other possessing the common convej ance of land carriage ; 
and supposing both states to be equal as to soil, climate aud indus- 
try ; commodities and manufactures in the former state might be 
furnished thirty per ceut cheaper than in the latter? or in other 
words, the first state would be a third richer and more affluent 
thaw the other." 

Our owu countryman, Mr. Robert Fulton, whose scientific and 
practical kaowledge as an engineer, are only equaled by his pa= 
iriotic efforts to make it useful to his country, , has written largely 
and ably respecting the superiority of canals." 



to 



74 



Mb. FULTON'S COMMUNICATION. 



BY your letter of the 29th of July, I am happy to find 
that the attention of congress is directing itself, towards the opening 
of communications through the United States, by means of roads 
and canals; and it would give me particular pleasure to aid you 
with useful information on such works, as I have long been contem- 
plating their importance in many points of view. 

But a year has not yet elapsed nnce I returned to America, and 
my private concerns have occupied so much of my time, that as yet 
I have acquired but very little local information on the several ca- 
nals which have been commenced. 

Such information, however, is perhaps at present not the most 
important branch of the subject, particularly as it can be obtained 
in a fe* mouths at a small expense, whenever the public mind shall 
be impressed with a sense of the vast advantages of a general sys- 
tem of cheap conveyance. 

I hope, indeed, that every intelligent American will in a few 
years, be fully convinced of the necessity of such works to pro- 
mote the uational wealth aud his individual interest. Such con- 
viction must arise from that habit of reflection which accompanies 
the republican principle, and points out their true interest on sub- 
jects of political economy. From such reflections arises their love 
of agriculture and the useful arts, knowing them to augment the 
xiches aud happineis of the nation; hence also their dislike to 
standing armies and military navies, as beiug the means of inci ea- 
sing the proportion of nonproductive individuals, whose labour is 
ooi only lost, but who must be supported out of the produce of the 
industrious inhabitants, and diminish their enjoyments. 

Such right thinking does great honour to f»ur nation, and leads 
forward to the highes possible state of civilization, by directing the 
powers of man from useless arid d est uciive occupations, to pursuits 
•which multiply the productions of useful labour, aud create abun- 
dance. 



75 

Though such principles actuate our citizens, they are not yet iu 
every instance, aware of their best interests ; noi can it be expect- 
ed that they should perceive at once the advantages of those plans 
of improvement, which are still new iu this country. Hence ihe 
most useful works have sometimes been opposed ; and we are not 
without examples of men being elected into the state legislature for 
the express purpose of preventing roads, canals, and bridges being 
constructed. But in such errors of judgment our countr>men have 
not been singular. When a bill was brought into the British parlia- 
ment fifty years ago, to establish turnpike roads throughout the 
kingdom, the inhabitants for forty miles round London petitioned 
against such roads ; their arguments were, that good roads would 
enable the farmers of the interior country to bring their produce to 
the London market cheaper than they who lived nearer the city, 
and paid higher reut : that the market would be overstocked, the 
prices dimiuised and they unable to pay their rent, or obtain a liv- 
ing. The good sense of parliament, however, prevailed; the roads 
were made, the population and commerce of London increased, the 
demand for produce increased, and he who lived nearest to London 
still had a superior advantage in the market. 

In like maimer I hope the good sense of our legislature will pre- 
vail over the ignorance and prejudice which may still exist against 
canals. And here an important question occurs, which it may be 
proper to examine with some attention in this early stage of our 
public improvements — whether, as a system, we should prefer ca- 
nals to turnpike roads? Our habits are in favor of roads; and few 
of us have conceived any better method of opening communications 
to the various parts of states. But in China and Holland, canals are 
more numerous than roads; in those countries the inhabitants are 
accustomed to see all their productions carried either on natural or 
artificial canals, and thev would be as much at a loss to know how 
we, as a civilized people could do without such means of convey- 
ance, as we are su prised at their perseverance and ingenuity in mak- 
ing them.* England, France, and the principal states of Europe, 
commenced their improvements with roads, but as the science of 

* The royal canal from Canton to Pekin, is 825 miles long, its breadth 3© feet, 
its depth nine feet , 



76 

the engineer improved, and civilization advanced, cauals were in 
trodhced. aBd Ki gl in I and France are now making every exertion 
to £'-t the whole of their heavy productions water-borne, for they 
have become sensible of the vast superiority of canals over roads. 

Our system perhaps ought to embrace them both : canals for the 
long carriage of the whole materials of agriculture and manufac- 
tures sod roads for travelling and rhe more numerous communica- 
tions of the country. "With these two modes in contemplation, 
when public money is to be expended with a view to the greatest 
good we should now consider which object is entitled to our first 
attention Shall we begin with canals, which will carry the farm- 
ers produce cheap to market, and return him merchandize at re- 
duced prices ? Or shall we first make roads to accommodate travel- 
lers, and let the produce of our farms, mines and forests, labor un- 
der such heavy expenses that they cannot come to market ? 

To throw some light on this interesting question, I will base my 
calculations on the Lancaster turnpike road. There the fair ex- 
perimeut has been made to penetrate from Philadelphia to the in- 
terior country, and the mode of calculation here given will serve 
for dtewing comparisons on ihe utility of roads, and cauals, feral! 
the great leading communications of America. 

From Philadelphia to the Susquehanna at Columbia, is seventy- 
four miles; that road, if I am rightly informed, cost on an average 
6,000 dollars a mile, or 444,000 dollars for the whole. On it, from 
Columbia o Philadelphia, a ban el of flour, say 200 weight, pays 
one dollar carriage. A broad wheeled wagon carries 30 barrels or 
three tons, and pays for turnpike three dollars; thus for each ton 
carried, the turnpike company receives only one dollar. 

I will now suppose a canal to have been cut frwm Philadelphia 
to Columbia, and with its windings, to make 100 miles, at 15,000 
dollars* a mile, or for the whole 1.500,000 dollars. On such canal, 
one man one boy, and horse, would convey 23 tons 20 miles a 
day + on which the following would be the expenses : 

*On averaging the canals of America, 15,000 dollars a mile will be abundantly 
sufficed to construct them in the best manne . particularly it made on the inclined 
plane principle, with small boat", each carrying sis ton?. 

■f One hor«e wit! draw on a canal. Tom 25 to 50 ton*, 20 mile? in one day. I have 
statp.i the lefet ih.>v evpr d>. and the highest rate of charges, that no deception 
may eater into these calculations. 



77 

©tie man, .... dolls. 1 00 

Otic horse, - - - - - 1 00 

Oiie boy, - - - - - 50 

Tolls for repairing I he canal - - - 1 00 

Tolls for pacing loc'is inclined planes, tunnels and aque- 
ducts, 1 00 

Interest on the wear of the boat .... 50 

Total, * . , dolls. 5 00 

This is equal to 20 cents a ton for 20 miles, and no more ihau 
one dollar a ton for 100 miles, instead of 10 dollars paid by the road. 
Consequently for each ton carried Erona Columbia to Philadelphia 
on the canal, the company might take a toll of six dollars instead 
of one, which is now got by the road ; and then the flour would 
arrive at Philadelphia for seven dollars a ton instead often, which 
it now pays. The merchandize would also arrive at Columbia 
from Philadelphia, for three dollars a ton less than is now paid; 
which cheap carriage both ways would not only benefit the farmer 
and merchant, but would draw move commerce on the canal than 
now moves on the road, aud thereby add to the profits of the compp, 
By. 

Bat to proceed with my calculations, I will suppose, that ex- 
actly the same number of tons would move on the canal that arc 
now transported by the road. Again, let it be supposed that at one 
dollar a ton the turnpike company gains five per cent, per annum oo 
the capital of 44 1.000 dollars, or 22,200 dollars, consequently 22,209 
tons must be carried, which at six dollais a ton to the caua! compa- 
ny, would have given 133.200 dollars a year, or eight and a half 
per cent, for their capital of 1,500.000 dollars. 

The reason of this vast difference in the expense of carriage 
by roads or canals, will be obvious to any one who will lake the 
trouble to reflect, that on a road of the best kind four horses, and 
sometimes five are necessary to transport only three tons. On a 
canal one horse will draw 25 tons, and thus perform the work of 40 
horses; the saving thereof is in the value of horses, their 'ceding, 
shoeing, geers, wagons, and attendance. These facts should hi 



78 

duce companies to consider well their interest, when contempla- 
ting an enterprize of this sort, and what would he their profits, not 
only in interest for their capital, but the benefit which their lands 
would receive by the cheap carnage of manure and of their produc- 
tions. 

In considering the profit to accrue to a company from a canal 
instead of roads, there is another important calculation to be made, 
and lor that purpose I will proceed with the Lancaster turnpike 
supposing it to extend to Pittsburgh, 320 miles. On which the 
carriage being at the rate now paid from Columbia to Philadelphia, 
that is 10 dollars a ton for 74 miles, the ton from Pittsburgh would 
amount to 42 dollars, at which price a barrel of flour would cost 
four dollars in carriage, an expense which excludes it from the mar- 
ket. Thus, grain, the most important and abundant production of 
our interior country, and which should give vigor to our manufac- 
tures, is shut up in the districts most favorabie to its culture; or to 
vender it portable and convert it into cash, it must be distdled to 
brutalize and poison society. In like manner, all heavy articles of 
little monied value, can only move within the narrow limits of 100 
miles ; but were a canal made the whole distance, and by one or 
more companies, they might arrange the tolls in the following man- 
ner, so as to favor the long carriage of heavy articles. 

The expense of man, boy and horse, as before stated, would cost 
only three dollars to boat one ton of flour 300 miles, this is 30 cents 
a barrel; suppose then, that the company receive 70 cents a barrel 
or seven dollars a ton, flour could then come from Pittsburgh to 
Philadelphia for one dollar a barrel, the sum which is now paid from 
Columbia ; thus the canal company would gain seven dollars a too 
by a trade which could never move through a road of equal length. 
Here we see that on canals the tolls may be so arranged as to draw 
to them articles of little monied value, and it would be the interest of 
the company or companies to make such regulations. But on turn- 
pike roads no such accommodation of charges in proportion to dis- 
tance, can be effected, because of the number of horses which can- 
not be dispensed with.' Even were the roads made at the public 

* In my work on small canals, published in 1796, page 140 there is a table show- 
ing a mode of regulating the boats and tonnage in such manner, that a ton may be 
transported 1.JO0 miles for five dollars : Yet by this method canal companies would 
gain more toll than by any other means yet practised, 



v9 

expense, and toll free, still the carriage of one ton for three hund- 
red miles would cost at least thirty -five dollars. But were canals 
made at the public expense, aud no other toll demanded than should 
be sufficient to keep them in repair, a ton in boating and tolls 
would only cost three dollars for 300 miles; and for 35 dollars, the 
sum, which must be paid to cany one ton 300 miles on the best 
of roads, it could be boated three thousand Jive hundred miles, and 
draw resources from the centre of this vast continent. 

But striking as this comparison is, I will extend it. The mer- 
chandize which can bear the expense of carriage on cur present 
roads to Pittsburg, Kentucky , Tennessee, or any other distance 
pays 100 dollars a ton, could be boated on canals ten thousand miles 
for that sum. 

As these calculations are founded on facts which will not be de- 
nied by any one acquainted with the advantages of canals, it is the 
interest of any man of landed property, and particularly of the far- 
mers of the back countries, that canals should be immediately con- 
structed and rendered as numerous as the funds of the nation will per- 
mit, and the present population requires; and as inhabitants mul- 
tiply most toward the interior and must extend westward, still mo- 
ving more distant from the sea coast and the market for their pro- 
duce, it is good policy aijd right that canals should follow them. Io 
25 years our population will amount to 14 millions; two-thirds o&~ 
whom will spread over the western countries. Suppose then thai 
3,500,000 dollars were annually appropriated to canals, such a sum 
would pay for 300 miles of canals each year, aud in 20 years we 
should have 6000 miles circulating through and penetrating into 
the interior of the different states ; such sims though seemingly 
large, and such works, though apparently stupendous, are not more 
than sufficient to keep pace with the rapid iucrease of our popula- 
tion, to open the market and carry to every district such foreign: 
articles as we, near the coast, enjoy. With this view of the subject, 
arises a political question of the utmost magnitude to these states — 
which is — 

That as our national debt diminishes, and the treasury increases 
in surplus revenue, will it not be the best interest of the people to 
continue the present duties on imports, and expend the products ir* 
national improvements ? 






50 

To illustrate this question, I will state some examples of the rale 
of duties and the expense of carriage, to prove that by keeping on 
the duties aud making canals with the revenue, goods iu a great 
number ol instances will be cheaper to the consumer, than by ta- 
king off the duties, and leaving the transport to roads. 

FIRST EXAMPLE. 

Brown sugar pays in duty, two and a half cents a 

pound, or for 100 pounds, ... dol. 2 56 
It pays for wagouiug 300 miles, 5 00 



Total, dol. 7 50 

By the canal, it would cost iu boating 15 cents for 300 miles; 
consequently the boating and duty would amouut to two dollars 
sixty-five cents ; therefore, b) keeping outbedut} and making ca- 
nals, sugar would arrive at the interior, 300 miles, <br two dollars 
thirty five cents the hundred weight cheaper thau if the duties were 
taken off and the transport left to roads. 

SECOND EXAMPLE 

One bushel of salt, weighing 56 pounds paid in 

duty, - - - dol. 20 

To carry it 300 miles by roads, the expense is - 2 5(1 

Total, dol. 2 76 

By the canal it would cost for boating 300 miles, seven and a 
half cents. By keeping on the duties aud making the canals, it 
would arrive to the interior consumer at two dollars thirty-two and 
a half cents the bu&hel cheaper than were the duties taken off, andJ 
the transport left to roads. 



81 
THIRD EXAMPLE. 

Molasses pays five cents a gallon duty, this is for 

100 lb. - - - - dolls. 75 

It pays for wagoning 300 miles, - 5 00 

Total, dolls. 5 75 

By (he canal, the carriage would cost 15 cents, and it would 
arrive at the iuterior, at four dollars ten cents the handled weight, 
or 27 cents a gallon cheaper than were the duties taken off, and 
the transport left to roads. 

Numerous other articles might be stated to show that the real 
mode of rendering them cheap to the interior consumer, is to keep 
©n ;he duties and facilitate the carriage with the funds so raised. 
Thfse, however, may be considered as partial benefits, and not 
sufficiently general to warrant keeping on the duties. But there re 
a point of view in which I hope it will appear that the advantages 
are general, and will be felt throughout every part of the states. It 
is by reducing^he expense of all kinds of carriage, and thus econo- 
mise to each individual more than he now pays in duty on the fo- 
reign articles which he consumes. 

FOR EXAMPLE. 

Wood, for fuel, is an article of the first necessity : it cannot 
bear the expense of transport twenty miles on roads; at that dis- 
tance it is shut out from the market, and the price of fuel is conse- 
quently raised the amount of the carriage ; were a cord of wood 
carried twenty miles on roads, it would pay for wagoning at least 
three dollars ; on a canal it would pay twenty cents ; thus, on only 
one cord of wood, there is an economy of two dollars eighty cents, 
which economy would pay the duty on fourteen pounds of tea, at 
twenty cents the pound duty ; 

Or 140 pounds 61 sugar, at two cents the pound duty; 

Or 56 pounds of coffee, at five cents the pound duty; 

Or 14 bushels of salt, at twenty cents the bushel duty; 

Or fib gallons of molasses, at five cents the gallon duty 

11 



82 

I will dow suppose a city of 50.000 inhabitants, who for their 
household and other uses, will consume 50 thousand cords a year, 
on which there would be on economy of 140,000 dollars, a sum in 
all probability equal to the duties paid by the inhabitants. For 
the duties divided on the whole of the American people, are but 
two dollars twenty-eight cents to each individual. Here I have es- 
timated each pei son to pay two dollars eighty cents, yet this esti- 
mate is made on one cord of wood to each inhabitant of a city ; 
were 1 to calculate the economy on the carriage of building timber, 
lime, sand, brick, stone, iiod, flour, com, provision and materials 
of all kinds, which enter or go out of a city, it would be five 
times this sum; and thus the towns and cities are to be benefitted. 
The farmer or miller who lives 20 miles from a market, pays at 
least twenty-two cents to wagon a barrel of flour that distance ; by 
the caDal it would cost two cents; the economy would be twenty 
cents; at 100 miles the economy would be 100 cents, and at 159 
miles it would be 150 cents; beyond this distance flour cannot 
come to market by roads ; yet at this distance the economy of 150 

cents on the carriage of oue barrel of flour would pay the duty oc 

7 12 pounds of tea ; 

Or 75 pounds of sugar; 

Or 30 pounds of coffee ; 

Or 7 1-2 bushels of salt ; 

Oi 36 gallons of molasses. 

Thus it is, that the benefits arising from a good system of canals, 
are general and mutual. Therefore should peace and the reductioo 
of 'he national debt, give an overflowing treasury, I hope you, and 
the majority of Americans, will think with me, that the duties 
should Dot be taken off nor diminished ; for such an act, instead of 
relieving the people, would really oppress them, by destroying the 
means of reducing the expense of transport, and of opening to them 
a cheap mode of arriving at good markets. 

To proceed with these demonstrations, let us look at the rich pro- 
duc'ion? of our interior country : 

Wheat, flour, oats, barley, beans, grain, and pulse of all kinds ; 

Salt, sahed beef, po: k and other rrieatM ;* 

* V.inaal* are n<~w driven to market '00 or more miles, at a consHenblf expense 
and loss of flesh, ibi two principal .reason fir?i, the expeune ol transporting- the 
sal' ir the interior; and, second, the expense of carrying the salted meats to 
market. 



83 



Hides, tallow, beeswax; 

Cast and forged iron ; 

Pot and pearl ashes, tanner's bark ; 

Tar, pitch, rosin and turpentine; 

Hemp, flax and wool ; 

Plaister of Paris, so necessary to our agriculture ; 

Coals and potter's earth, for our manufactures; 

Marble, lime and timber for our buildings. 

All these articles are of the first necessity, but few of them can 
bear the expense of five dollars the hundred weight to be transport- 
ed 300 miles on roads. Yet on canals they would cost iu boating 
only 15 cents the 100 weight for that distance. 

There is another great advautage to individuals and the nation 
arising from canals, which roads can never give. It is that whep a 
canal runs through a long line of mountainous country, such as the 
greater part of the interior of America, all the ground below for 
half a mile or more may be watered and converted into meadow 
and other profitable culture. 

How much these conveniences of irrigation will add to the pro- 
duce of agriculture and the beauties of nature, I leave to experi- 
enced farmers and agricultural societies to calculate. 

In Italy and Spain it is the practice to sell water out of the ca« 
nals, for watering meadows and other lands. In such cases tubes 
are put into the canal, under the pressure of a certain head of wa- 
ter, and suffered to run a given time for a fixed price ; the monies 
thus gained add much to the emoluments of the canal companies. 

But with all these immense advantages which canals give, it 
may be a question with many individuals, whether they can be 
constructed in great leading hues, from our sea coast and naviga* 
ble rivers, to the frontiers of the several states, or pass our moun- 
tains and penetrate to the remote parts of our interior country. 
Should doubts arise on this part of the plan, I beg leave to assure 
you, that there is no difficulty in carrying canals over our high- 
est mountains, and even where nature has denied us water. For 
water is always to be found in the valleys, and the canal can be 
constructed to the foot of the mountaiu, carrying the water to that 
situation. Should there be no water on 'he mountain or its sides, 
there will be wood or coals j either or both of which can be brought 



84 

cheap to the vrorks by means of the canal Then with steam en- 
gin* s tin- upper ponds of canal cau be filled from the Ipwei levels, 
and with the engines the boats can on inclined planes be drawn 
from the lower to the upper canal. For this mode of operating it 
is nece sary to have small boats of six tons each, £.s the steam 
engines are to draw up and let down the boats on inclined planes, 
no water is drawn for the upper level of caual, as when lock;- arc 
used. Consequently when the upper ponds have been once fiiled, 
it is only necessary that the engine should supply leakage and 
evaporation. There is another mode o( supplying the leakage and 
evaporation of the higher levels: on the tops and sides of moun- 
tains there are hollows or ravines, which can be banked at the 
lower extremity, thus forming a reservoir to catch the rain »r : melt- 
ed snow. From such reservoirs the ponds of canal can be replen- 
ished in the dry months of summer. This mode of reserving 
water is in practice in England for canals, and in Spain for irriga- 
tion. In this manner I will suppose it necessary to pass a moun- 
tain 800 feet high ; then four inclined planes each of 200 feet rise, 
would gain the summit, aud four would desceud on the other side. 
Total, eight inclined planes and eight steam engines. Each steam 
engine of 12 horse power would cost about ten thousand dollars, in 
all 80,000; each would burn about 12 bushels of coal in 12 hours, 
or 96 bushels for the eight engines for one day's work. 

The coals in such situations may be estimated at 12 cents 

a bushel or ... dolls. 1 1 52 

At each engine and inclined plane there must be five men 

-—total 40 men at one dollar each, . . 40 



Total, dolls. 51 52 



For this sum they could pass 500 tons in one day over 
the eight inclined planes, which for each ton is only 10 cents. 

Suppose the mountain to be 20 miles wide, boating for 
each tou would cost . . 20 do. 



Total, 30 cents. 



83 

» too, for passing over the mountain, which will be more or less 
according to circumstances. These calculations being oni> intend- 
ed to remove an) doubts which may arise ou the practicability of 
passing our mountains- 
Having thus in some degree considered the advantages which 
canals will produce in point of wealih to individuals and the na- 
tion, I will now consider their importance to the union and their 
political consequences. 

First, their effect on raising the value of the public lands, and 
thereby augmenting the revenue. 

In all cases where canals pass through the lands of the United 
States, and open a cheap communication to a good market, such 
lands will rise in value for twenty miles on each side of the canal. 
The farmer who will reside twenty miles from the canal can in one 
day carry a load of produce to its borders. And were the lands 
600 miles from one of our sea port towns his barrel of flour, in 
weight 200 lb. could be carried that distance for 60 ceuts, the price 
which is now paid to carry a barrel 50 miles ou the Lancaster 
turnpike Consequently, as relates to cheapness of carriage, and 
easy access to market, the new lands which lie 600 miles from the 
sea ports, would be of equal value with lands of equal fertility which 
are 50 miles from the sea ports. But not to insist on their being of 
so great value until population is as great, it is evident that they 
must rise in value in a three or four fold degree, every lineal mile of 
canal would accommodate 25,600 acres. The lands sold by the Uni- 
ted States in 1806, ave.ged about two dollars an acre, aud certain- 
ly every acre accommodated with a canal, would produce six dol- 
lars; thus only 20 miles of canal each year, running through national 
lands, would raise the value of 512,000 acres at least, four dollars 
an acre, giving 2,048.000 dollars to the treasury, a sum sufficient 
to make 136 miles of canal. Had an individual such a property, 
and funds to coustruct canals to its centre, he certainly would d» it 
for his own interest. The nation has the property, and the nation 
possesses ample funds for such undertakings. 

Second, on their effect in cementing the union, and extending the 
principles of confederated republican government. Numerous have 
betri the speculations on the duration of our union, aud intrigues 
?»ave been practised to sever the western from the eastern states. 



86 

The opinion endeavoured to be inculcated, was, that the inhabi* 
lants beyond the mountains were cut off from the market of the At- 
lantic states; that consequently they had a separate interest, and 
should use their resources to open a communication to a market of 
their own; that remote from the seat of government they could 
not enjoy their portion of advantages arising from the union, and 
that sooner or later they must separate and govern for themselves. 
Others by drawing their examples from European governments, and 
the monarchies which have grown out of the feudal habits of nations 
of warriors, whose minds were bent to the absolute power of the few, 
and the servile obedience of the many, have conceived these states of 
hjo great an extent to continue united under a republican form of gov- 
ernment, and that the time is not distant when they will divide into 
little kingdoms, retrograding from common sense to ignorance, adopt- 
ing all the fohies and barbarities which are every day practised id 
the kingdoms and petty states of Europe. But those who have 
reasoned in this way, have not reflected that men are the crea- 
tures of habit, and that the.ir habits as well as their interests may be 
so combined, as to make it impossible to separate them without fal- 
ling back into a state of barbarism. Although in ancieut times 
some specks of civilization have been effaced by hordes of unculti- 
vated men, yet it is remarkable that siuce the invention of printing 
and general diffusion of knowledge, no natiou has retrogated in 
science or improvements; nor is it reasonable to suppose that the 
American*, who have as much, if not mote information i'j general* 
thati any other people, will ever abandon au advantage which they 
have once gained. England, which at one time was seven petty 
kingdoms, has by habit long been united into one. Scotland by 
succession became united to England, and is now bound to her by- 
habit, by turnpike roads, canals and reciprocal interests. In like 
manner all the counties of England, or departments of France, are 
bound to each other ; and when the United States shall be bound 
together by canals, by cheap and easy access to market in all di- 
rections, by a sense of mutual interest arising from mutual inter- 
course and mingled commerce, it will be no more possible to split 
them into independent and separate governments, each lining its 
frontiers with fortifications aud troops, to shackle their own exports 
and imports to and from the neighboring states ; than it is now 



87 

possible for the government of England to divide and form again 
into seven kingdoms. 

Bui it is necessary to bind the states together by the people's 
interests, one of which is to enable, every man to sell the produce 
of his labour at the best market, and purchase at the cheapest. This 
accords with the idea of Hume, " that the government of a wise 
people would be little more than a system of civil police ; for the 
best interest of man is industry, aud a free exchange of the produce 
of his labour for the things which he may require." 

On this humane principle, what stronger bonds of union can be 
invented than those which enable each individual to transport the 
produce of his industry 1,200 miles for 60 cents the hundred weight? 
Here then is a certain method of securing the union of the states 
and of rendering it as lasting as the continent we inhabit. 

It is now eleven years that I have had this plan iu contemplation 
for the good of our country. At the conclusion of my work on 
small canals, there is a letter to Thomas Miftlin, then governor of 
the state of Pennsylvania, on a system of canals for America. Iu 
it I contemplated the time when "canals should pass through every 
vale, wind round each hill and bind the whole country together in 
the bonds of social intercourse ; and I am now happy to find that 
through the good management of a wise administration, a period has 
arrived when an overflowing treasury exhibits abundant resources, 
and points the mind to works of such immense importance. 

Hoping speedily to see them become favorite objeets with the 
whole American people. 

I have the honour to be, your most obedient, 

ROBERT FULTON. 

Washington, December 8lh, 1807„ 



END 



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cc ccc re ^^cCCC «J 

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C_C'< cc . CC" C d<CC'CC'«C' cc C> Ccc c C 

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c ccc cc CC cc ccccc c- - cc d dec cc 
C cc «, cc cc c c cc c cc c - C d" d" c c c (ML 

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STOJJ? 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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